solutely necessary. So unfavourable is democracy to tranquillity and order, that almost every step which the senate at any time took for restoring public peace was literally a deviation from the constitution.' In England, the three estates may indeed legislatively decree the death of an individual; and then he dies by law, though by an ex post facto law, and such as we never can approve : but the senate of Rome, even with the consuls at its head, was not the legislature of that city; and hence a man might perhaps be authorised to say that, however guilty the adherents of Catiline might be, they were murdered, because their guilt was never proved,-or, which is the same thing, proved only to the satisfaction of an interested party,-their accusers. The inference drawn by the author from his account of the various revolutions of Rome is thus stated at the end of the 14th chapter: Thus have we seen that the prevalence of democracy was the principal cause of the misfortunes of Rome, and that the wisdom and patriotism of the senate frequently made the evils cease to flow, but as they could not dry up the source the cessation was only temporary. Democracy cherished the vicious, overcame the virtuous, perverted the able, to ruin their country. From democracy the Romans had almost fallen under the hand of Hannibal; from democracy were the Gracchi the authors of violence and insurrection, Saturninus and Sulpicius of massacres, Marius of civil war; from democracy sprung the conspiracy of Cataline, the combination of the triumvirate, the murders of Clodius, the frustration of Cicero's ingenuity, benevolence, and patriotism; the inefficacy of Cato's virtues, and the perversion of Cæsar's unequalled intellect. From democracy exalting Cæsar sprung permanent despotism, and the atrocious wickedness of succeeding emperors. Domitian, Caligula, and Nero, were the lineal descendants of democracy. Whoever with impar tiality and common observation studies the history of the greatest nation which the ancient world ever saw, will perceive that to aristocratic authority and exertions it owed its rise, to prepollent democracy it owed its fall; will in the detail of democratic operations see disorder, convulsion, confiscation, rapine, massacres, and every species of injustice, oppression, and cruelty; and in the general result, will behold the consummation of human misery.' In the 15th and last chapter, Dr. B. comes home to England, and makes his remarks on the different disturbances or struggles of the democratic part of the community, from the days of John Ball in the reign of Richard II.; and he concludes the work with the following eulogium of the British constitution. Our constitution, for a century ascertained and confirmed, is of all political systems recorded in history, the most perfectly fitted for the attainment and preservation of individual and national happiness. Our Our jurisprudence has a most exact coincidence with natural ethics. It allows every action, every exertion of freedom, which morality sanctions. Its restraints are commensurate with the restraints of conscience. We may speak, write, do whatever we please, if we abstain from injury. Our polity secures to our law the full operation and effect. The judicial examiners of our conduct are men taken from ourselves, and having the most powerful motives to justice, as on the purity of their judgments depends their own security. 'Our lawgivers can make no laws which do not equally bind themselves as the rest of the community. Our PARLIAMENT has an IDENTITY OF INTERESTS with us; that being the case, it matters little to individuals whether they have a vote or not in the election of its members. My rights, who have no vote, are as well secured as those of any elector in the kingdom. No man can be deprived of his liberty, property, or life, but for his own act of private or public injury. Every one of common understanding, industry and conduct, may generally earn a comfortable independent livelihood, and is in case of unavoidable misfortunc, relieved from want. Individual distress is removed by general prosperity, and general liberality resulting from excellence of political system. To secure the enjoyment of our happiness undisturbed by domestic and foreign enemies, some of our property is applied. The legiflature finds it necessary to expend a part to preserve the whole. Its wisdom and humanity apportion imposts to the ability of the contributer, from the average property of its members, paying itself a very large share. 'Our CHURCH is equally removed from fanaticism and infidelity; pious without enthusiasm, liberal without laxity; by precept and example inculcating virtue and religion. The political principles it conformiste those of our civil polity. It grants indulgence to Nonteaches ars, in every opinion not productive of vices and impiety, or subversive of our happy establishment. Our KING has an IDENTITY of INTEREST with the several orders, civil and ecclesiastical, and with the people at large. The friends and enemies of the people, the establishment, and the sovereign are the same. Every true PATRIOT is a lover of the CONSTITUTION and of the KING. Under such a system, and the characters which it produces, we of this country enjoy, and have long enjoyed, a happiness unequalled in the annals of history. Malignants may try to make the weak and ignorant fancy otherwise, but it must be either ignorance of fact or incapacity of reasoning, that can produce assent to such notions. The more a man is conversant with the history of mankind, and their comparative state in different situations, the more clearly will he see, that none in the various constituents of HAPPINESS equal, or ever equalled the SUBJECTS of the BRITISH GOVERNMENT.' We have thus given a detailed report of the contents of a work, the literary merits of which, independently of its poli. tical principles, will reflect honour on the author. Attached as we are most sincerely to a mixed government, we are ob U 3 liged liged by principle to concur with him in all that he says to de ter mankind from adopting pure monarchy, pure aristocracy, or pure democracy; we believe that no one of them alone is calculated to secure the happiness of the governed: but that a proper mixture of all three is the best and surest foundation on which the pile of liberty can be raised. We should not however be warranted in saying that Dr. B. gives democracy fair play; for he dwells with pleasure on its defects, and throws its advantages into the back ground and the shade. He is not the judge who impartially sums up the evidence on both sides. of the question, but the advocate engaged against democracy, and instructed by his brief to say nothing about it but what might persuade the jury to convict. ART. VI. English Lyrics. 8vo. PP. 60. 2s. 6d. Printed at Liverpool. Cadell jun. and Davies, London. 1797. THAT the human mind is not at all times adequate to every customary exertion, or that, while it is in a progressive state with respect to its general attainments,some one of its ener gies should necessarily droop and degenerate, are not among the doctrines which we hold; and though it has been common to apply such a strain of speculation to the works of fancy, in a period distinguished for scientific improvements, we are fully convinced, from the productions that come under our survey, that the theory is not founded in fact. In particular, the experience of a few past years has abundantly proved to us, that never was there a time in which English poetry was cultivated with more genius, nor with happier effect; and if we still want great works to put in parallel with those of former eras, yet our minor poets (minor in bulk, not in merit) may be ad, vantageously compared with those of any age. These remarks have been suggested to us by the perusal of several small volumes that have lately passed under review; and we regard the compositions now before us as productive of no inconsiderable evidence to the same purpose. It is true that. the pieces of which the work consists cannot be quoted as finished performances; and that they bear some marks of inattention, and perhaps of defective judgment:-but, in the essential qualifications of fancy and feeling, of sensibility to the charms of nature, and of skill in the diction of poetry, we must assign to them a very respectable rank. The following lires, we imagine, will justify our applause of these English Lyrics' in the opinions of most readers: Lines Lines found in a Bower facing the South Soft Cherub of the southern breeze, Oh! thou whose voice I love to hear When lingering thro' the rustling trees, With lengthened sighs it sooths mine ear: Oh! thou whose fond embrace to meet, The young Spring all enamoured flies, And robs thee of thy kisses sweet, And on thee pours her laughing eyes Thou at whose call the light Fays start, That silent in their hidden bower Lie penciling with tenderest art, The blossom thin and infant flower! Soft Cherub of the southern breeze, My willing hands this bower have made, Or playful urge the gossamer's flight, I court thee, when at noon reclined, Or silent climb the leaf along. I court thee, when the flow'rets close, • Smooth glides with thee my pensive hour, Thou warm'st to life my languid mind; Thou cheer'st a frame with genial power, That droops in every ruder wind. U 4 4 Breathe Breathe Cherub! breathe! Once soft and warm, Swept all I gazed on from my view! And joy but in the muse and thee." If splendour and elegance of imagery constitute the striking features of this piece, the next that we shall transcribe is not less distinguished by tender and benevolent sentiment: For the Blind Asylum, Liverpool. Stranger, pause-for thee the day Stranger, pause-with soften'd mind, Reach'd the soul that felt no day. Lonely blindness here can meet Kindred woes, and converse sweet; He, who deign'd for man to die, Give thine alms-thou canst not heal.' Several of the other poems rise to a higher strain, and aim, not unhappily, at the sublime in sentiment, and the creative in imagination. We |