ני refpondence or fimilarity of the penmanship might have led a fcholar of far lefs critical acumen than Mr. MALONE to a difcovery of the author. After expofing a modern forgery by learned comments on the particular twift or turn of a flourish in the fignature of an old woman who died almost two hundred years ago, Mr. MALONE Would render his fagacity very questionable, were he to continue blind to: the evidence drawn from papers, fome of which were written almost under his own infpection. But it is hoped that neither false pride, nor an unwillingness to retract and avow an error, will prevent Mr. MALONE from doing strict and impartial justice to the memories of both his deceased friends in a fecond edition of what he has called, under the influence of mistake, the Works of fir JOSHUA REYNOLDS. After this statement of facts, it is unneceffary no refute in detail fome infinuations which have been lately thrown out of Dr. JOHNSON's having affifted in writing the Academical Difcourses. We have inferted fir JOSHUA's exprefs declaration to the contrary: we have fhewn who the real author was; and if we had no other proof, an attentive perufal of all the Doctor's works would convince us, that the moft vigorous and brilliant difplay of his talents could not reach the compofition of those inimitable lectures. The Doctor's writings, particularly on moral fubjects, are entitled to the jufteft applaufe; but he had not BURKE'S fire of genius, luxuriance of fancy, and perennial flow of eloquence. He could not, like the latter, fpread new glory over the elegant arts, and unfold to the view of an admiring world that fecond order of elements, of which providence had kindly referved the creation for human industry.. Dr. JOHNSON was equally inferior to Mr. BURKE in the dif cuffion of political topics. The fame fubject was handled by both both foon after the above-described inftitution of the Royal Academy. The violent, intemperate, and difgraceful proceedings of the house of commons in the affair of the Middlefex election threw at that time the whole kingdom into a flame, and excited no small degree of alarm at fo flagrant a breach of the constitution. Dr. JOHNSON, under the influence of his old tory prejudices, endeavoured to justify the conduct of the ministry and of their corrupt majorities, and to make us believe that the popular alarm was falfe. But his reafoning, though fpecious, was very inconclufive; and under the fhew of allaying the turbulent spirit of the times, he strives to infuse into the people a fort of apathy, or stupid indifference to public concerns. We may fay of his pamphlet what HAYLEY so justly observes of HUME's works, "Our hearts more free from faction's weeds we feel; The ftile of the "Falfe Alarm" is alfo very much disfigured by the coarseness of vulgar abuse; and an air of contemptuous infolence destroys the effect of many of the writer's most pointed farcafms. Mr. BURKE's pamphlet, which was published about the same time, and is entitled " Thoughts on the Caufe of the present Difcontents," may be justly numbered among the best political tracts that have ever appeared in the English language. He probed the dry rot of the conftitution to the bottom: he drew a forcible and impreffive picture of the national grievances: he reviewed with penetrating eye all the changes of fyftem which had been adopted fince the death of the late king: he uncovered the masked batteries of the double cabinet; and laid open the fprings that put every state-puppet in motion: he traced traced the progrefs of influence, that lefs odious, but more powerful fubftitute for prerogative, operating without noise and without violence, converting the very antagonist into the inftrument of power, containing in itself a perpetual principle of growth and renovation, and which the diftreffes and the profperity of the country equally tended to augment: in fhort, he left no source of the public grievances unexplored, but demonftrated very clearly that they arose from the establishment of court favoritifm, from the diverfion and disconnexion of parties, from the prevalence of corruption in the house of commons, the fubferviency of the national representatives to the will of the minister, and their total disregard of the wants or wishes of their conftituents. Such is the outline of the piece-Let us now take a glance at the internal colouring. Mr. BURKE'S firft care is to fix the attention of the reader on the juft and ferious grounds of alarm which the posture of affairs at that time afforded. "That the government," fays he, "is at once dreaded and contemned; that the laws are defpoiled of all their respected and falutary terrors; that their inaction is a fubject of ridicule, and their exertion of abhorrence; that rank, and office, and title, and all the folemn plausibilities of the world, have loft their reverence and effect; that our foreign politics are as much deranged as our domeftic œconomy; that our dependencies are flackened in their affection, and loofened from their obedience; that we know neither how to yield nor how to inforce; that hardly any thing above or below, abroad or at home, is found and entire; but that disconnexion and confufion, in offices, in parties, in families, in parliament, in the nation, prevail beyond the diforders of any former time: these are facts univerfally admitted and lamented." He examines the fpecu lations lations of the miniftry on the cause of so strange a distemper. It was pretended, "that the increase of our trade and manufactures, that our growth by colonization and by conqueft, had concurred to accumulate immenfe wealth in the hands of fome individuals; and this again having been difperfed among the people, had rendered them univerfally proud, ferocious, and ungovernable; that the infolence of fome from their enormous wealth, and the boldnefs of others from a guilty poverty, had rendered them capable of the most atrocious attempts; so that they had trampled upon all fubordination, and violently borne down the unarmed laws of a free government; barriers too feeble against the fury of a populace fo fierce and licentious as ours." Were fuch an account a true one, Mr. BURKE afferts, that nothing could be more unnatural than the convulfions of the country, as the account would refolve itself into this short, but difcouraging propofition, that we had a very good ministry, but that we were a very bad people;-that we fet ourselves to bite the hand which fed us;-that, with a malignant infanity, we opposed the measures, and ungratefully vilified the persons of thofe, whofe fole object was our own peace and profperity. Befides, it would be no finall aggravation of the public misfortune, that the difeafe, on fuch an hypothefis, appeared to be without a remedy. "If," fays he, "the wealth of the nation. be the cause of its turbulence, I imagine it is not proposed to introduce poverty, as a conftable to keep the peace. If our dominions abroad are the roots which feed all this rank luxuriance of fedition, it is not intended to cut them off in order to famish the fruit. If our liberty has enfeebled the executive power, there is no defign, I hope, to call in the aid of despotisin, to fill up the deficiencies of law." At a later period, no doubt, Mr. WINDHAM, in friendly confidence, undeceived Mr. BURKE, and convinced him that poverty,---that private and national bankruptcy,---that the difmemberment of the empire, and a daring ftretch or exertion of power beyond the law, were the beft means of allaying all heats, whether they arose from the fettled mismanagement of the government, or from a natural ill dispofition in the people. That gentleman, fo much admired for the acuteness of his reasoning and the great benignity of his fentiments, would easily have fatisfied Mr. BURKE that the people are always in the wrong ;---that their voice and temper are matters of equal infignificance;-that in all difputes between them and their rulers, the prefumption is never upon a par in favor of the people;---that, where popular discontents are very prevalent, it is a libel to affirm that there is any thing amifs in the conduct of government; and that a man ought to be tried, under the fedition act, for afferting, as Mr. BURKE then did, "that the people have no interest in disorder ;---that, when they do wrong, it is their error, and not their crime; but that, with the governing part of the state, it is far otherwise, as they may certainly act ill by defign, as well as by mistake.” These remarks are followed by an historical sketch of the origin, conftitution, laws, and policy of the double cabinet,---of that system, the great object of which was to fecure to the court the unlimited and uncontrouled ufe of its own vast influence, under the fole direction of its own private favor. This project," fays Mr. BURKE," I have heard, was first conceived by some perfons in the court of FREDERICK, prince of Wales. The earliest attempt in the execution of the defign was to fet up for minifter a perfon, in rank indeed refpectable, and very ample in fortune, but who, to the moment of this vaft and sudden elevation, was |