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governors, or the two houses, or the people, for a greater or less number of years, mostly during good behavior, and there is no want of provisions for the case of their removal.

The number of senators varies from 9 to 90, and that of representatives from 21 to 350. Their allowance varies from one and a half to six dollars a day; and a governor's salary from $400 (in Rhode Island) to $7,500 (in Louisiana). The legislatures usually meet every year; in some states, however, they meet every two years, and in Rhode Island half-yearly.*

In addition to the twenty-six states, three other territories (Florida, Wisconsin, and Iowa) are growing up and soon to enter their ranks; while the District of Columbia, containing Washington, the seat of the general government, is in circumstances wholly peculiar to itself.

As soon as a territory numbers 60,000 inhabitants, it obtains the rights of a state and draws up its constitution. It is herein restricted, however, by certain general provisions; as for instance, that its constitution must be republican. The president of the United States appoints the governors of the territories; but the inhabitants possess very extensive rights, and are trained to political action. Thus there are even here two legislative bodies, and each territory sends a delegate to Congress; though he has, no vote, but only a voice in the debates.

After this brief abstract of the federal and state constitutions, it would at first seem most natural to let the general observations and reflections immediately follow. But as these would have reference only to the forms of public law, without respect to countless other co-operating circumstances, it would be impossible to avoid both incompleteness and indistinctness. Hence it is more advisable to pursue still further the thread of historical development, and take into view the other material and spiritual conditions; and then, after extending and clearing up the circle of vision, to embrace the whole of the public relations, and to consider especially the value and efficacy of the republican form of government.

* Mason's Elementary Treatise, pp. 27, 206.

CHAPTER X.

THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND OF J. ADAMS (1789-1801). Washington's Presidentship-The French Revolution-Genet-Foreign Relations -Washington's Farewell-Washington's Death-John Adams-Dispute with France Alien and Sedition Bills.

By the new federal Constitution of 1787 many hopes were necessarily deceived, many prejudices wounded, and many selfish plans rendered abortive. The power of truth, however, had gradually prevailed, and induced even those states to receive it who had been the loudest in their opposition. But as the instruction and support derived from long experience were as yet wanting to the new institutions, it was hardly possible that all should be of a like mind respecting the unknown future. Many feared the too extensive, and some the too restricted power of Congress. The president, many complained, will soon change himself into an unlimited monarch, the Senate will introduce aristocratic privileges, the House of Representatives will favor an unruly democracy, and the supreme court will interfere with the operations of the legislative power.

As long as these doubts and objections sprang up on American soil, and grew out of American circumstances, they were rather warning and profitable than exaggerated and dangerous. But on the breaking out of the French revolution, principles and views were developed which, without respect to time, place, or national peculiarities, were held up as perfectly new and unexceptionable models, whose universal applicability was stoutly and presumptuously asserted. The new apostles announced also to the North Americans, that their political leaders had paid greatly too much attention to the defective course of the earlier historical development, and by far too little to the eternal truths of science, and consequently had not attained their object, but had stopped when only half-way. The almost childish beginnings of the Americans, a patch-work of accidents and mutual concessions, must be rooted out with a bold hand and thrown aside; while the new political wisdom of the greatest people on earth must be cordially and thankfully received, and defended with united powers against all opponents in every part of the world.

PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND JOHN ADAMS.

81

Although it was natural that nations groaning under the despotism of kings, nobles, and priests, should greet the commencement of the French revolution as the dawn of a cloudless day; although the sympathy of the North Americans with the fate of a friendly people seems praiseworthy; yet there was no reason for depreciating the advantages of their own position, and recommending a hasty imitation of this foreign, uncertain, vacillating, untried system, while they themselves had already obtained more without extravagance and violence.

When citizen Genet landed at Charleston, in April, 1793, as French plenipotentiary, he met with the most brilliant reception; his journey through the United States resembled a triumphal procession, and not a few united themselves into clubs in the French manner to pursue political objects. This caused Genet's vanity, insolence, and presumption to rise to such a height," that he had ships fitted out against England in American harbors, made preparations for an expedition against Louisiana, treated Washington in an unseemly manner, and exhorted the American people to disobedience against his government. Washington, who wished not to injure France, and hoped that the wanderers would soon return to the right path, acted at first towards Genet with great moderation and forbearance; but as soon as he saw that this only led to new intrigues and slanders, he proceeded with firmness and energy, compelled Genet to be recalled, and became a third time the savior of his country.† The narrow and evil-minded calumnies of those times have long since been forgotten; and the victory of the American Constitution and of American liberty in the trying ordeal of a struggle with the flames of revolutionary principles, was the strongest proof of their worth and vital power.

With the greatest good sense Washington opposed all participation in the unhappy quarrels that devastated Europe; and on the 27th of October, 1795, he concluded a treaty of commerce with England,-who it is true did not grant all that was reasonably desired, but as much as was any way attainable under existing circumstances.

When on this occasion the House of Representatives transgressed the bounds of their authority, and wished to interfere with that of the president in the management of foreign affairs, Washington mildly and firmly declared, that the treaty was valid by virtue of the Constitution, without the participation of the

*"Genet," says Jefferson, "was hot-headed, all imagination, no judgment, pas. sionate, disrespectful, indecent towards the president," &c. Tucker's Life, i. 444. ↑ Barbé-Marbois, Histoire de Louisiane, p. 168. Janson, The Stranger in America,

p. 74.

House of Representatives, and that his duty forbade him to comply with their requests.

As soon as his first presidential term of four years had expired, Washington considered it his duty to resign this high dignity to another. But worthy friends and even prudent opponents, judg ing correctly of the state of affairs then existing, called upon him to sacrifice his personal inclinations to his country's good. Thus Thomas Jefferson wrote to him: "The confidence of the whole Union is centred in you. Your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to charm and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang on; and, if the first corrective of a numerous representation should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the states. I am perfectly aware of the impression under which government affairs lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for retirement to domestic life. But there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims, as to control the predilection of the individual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind. This seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence, in forming your character, and fashioning the events on which it was to operate."†

By 132 votes out of 135, Washington was a second time elected president, and labored till March, 1797, in a beneficial manner to promote the tranquillization and the improvement of his country. The letter in which Washington on laying down his office took leave of the American people, exhibits an admirable impress of his noble nature and mode of thinking. He calls to mind all the happiness and all the advantages that God had conferred upon the country; exhorts in the most dignified and impressive manner to order and unity; and shows that morality, virtue, and true religion, are necessary both to individuals and to states, and determine their true value. May the Americans ever regard this most noble, comprehensive, and important political testament of a good man as their model, their guiding star; for then will they never fall into adversity, arrogance, or degeneracy. I cannot refrain from extracting at least a few passages

here.

"The unity of government," says Washington, “is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly † Sparks's Washington, i. 480.

* Hinton, i. 425.

prize. Towards this union, therefore, you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

"You must seek to avoid the necessity of forming and supporting over-grown military establishments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are peculiarly hostile to a free republic.

"In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect. security of liberty is indispensable.

"Unfortunately the spirit of party is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists, under different shapes, in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

"As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel

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