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crude and unsatisfactory in themselves. Just complaints were every where made respecting the rise of prices, the loss of property, and frauds and disputes betwixt creditors and debtors. In this state of embarrassment, Congress came to the erroneous and impracticable conclusion, that the price of labor, of produce, and of merchandize, might be fixed by compulsory laws, or that every one might be prevented from demanding or receiving more paper-money than hard money. Of as little use was the sale of public lands; since long credits usually had to be given, and the paper-money kept sinking in the meanwhile. Unhappily these mistakes and distresses led to carelessness in the fulfilment of engagements; to an habitual disregard of justice, which became almost a law; and to a lack of truth, honor, and good faith in trade and intercourse; evils which, even in the judgment of Americans, could not be rooted out in many years.

No one was at that time brought into greater embarrassment by this state of things than Washington. With paper-money the troops could no longer be paid; and to purchase any thing with it was still more difficult, since bad harvests and the interruptions to agriculture had produced a dearth of provisions, which, in spite of all orders to the contrary, were sold in preference to the cash-paying English. Washington sought by firmness, patience, and mildness, to diminish as far as possible these great evils; and when a committee of Congress, entrusted with full powers, on coming to the camp confirmed the complaints of the commander-in-chief, and represented in the most forcible manner the want and hardships they endured, many (and in particular, the city of Philadelphia) undertook to advance money; and arrangements were made to provide supplies, as also to raise a stronger body of militia, and to increase the army more rapidly.

The courage of the Americans rose still higher when, on the 10th of July, 1780, 6,000 French troops under Rochambeau were landed in Rhode Island, and the French government showed its willingness also to make advances of money. But the hope of soon effecting any thing of consequence was frustrated in a great measure by the proceedings of the English; who, by means of their naval superiority, shut up both army and fleet in that state, and compelled the Admiral Count de Guise to return to France.

It was almost wholly owing to a fortunate accident that the Americans escaped another great disaster. General Arnold, who had hitherto fought on their behalf with ability and courage, determined to deliver West Point on the Hudson (an American

*Life of Hamilton, i. 244.

† Between 1778 and 1782, France loaned 18,000,000 of livres at 5 per cent. interest, and became joint surety for a loan in Holland.-Laws of the United States, i. 100.

Gibraltar of the utmost importance), with all its stores, into the hands of the English. At first he had fought under full conviction against his country's oppressors; but he considered that, in consequence of their defection from England, the wrong was now on the side of the Americans, and that this authorized him to go over to the royalists. Others denied the validity of these excuses, and maintained that his caprices, embezzlements, extravagance, and debts had brought him into such a state of embarrassment, that he adopted this desperate resolution in order to save himself. Invitations to the soldiers to follow his example were without effect. An English major named André-an excellent, talented, amiable man, who conducted the negotiations with Arnold-fell with his papers into the hands of the Americans. Arnold fled, and the treason was now easily frustrated. André, however, notwithstanding all the intercessions of the English in his behalf, was hanged as a spy, on the 2d October, 1780. By some this act was justified, and by others condemned; all however mourned the stern decree which put an end to so valuable a life.

This is not the place to recount the hardships and varying chances of the American war. On the 19th of October, Lord Cornwallis, with 7,000 men (of whom, however, only 3,800 were capable of bearing arms), was forced to surrender at Yorktown to Washington and Rochambeau. This most important victory, which caused the greatest joy throughout all North America, put an end to the southern campaign, and almost to the war itself. It was only against the United States, where the English were in the wrong, that they suffered disasters of every kind. Against the French, Spaniards, and Dutch, who enviously and selfishly hoped to utterly overthrow or at least to plunder that noble kingdom, they defended themselves heroically, and gained glorious victories. They were also able to maintain against the armed neutrality of the northern powers (which originated less in a love of freedom than in intrigues and underhand designs) those principles without which their naval superiority would have been rendered of no avail.

The capture of Lord Cornwallis, the total defeat of the French fleet near Guadaloupe (12th April, 1782, Rodney against De Grasse), and the abortive attempt of the Spaniards against Gibraltar, created in all the belligerent parties a desire for peace. As early as the 27th of February, 1782, General Conway's motion in Parliament against the American war was carried by a majority of 19 votes; sixteen years before, he had moved the repeal of the Stamp Act. On the 19th March, 1782, the ministry resigned; and Rockingham, Cavendish, Shelburne, Camden, Fox, and others took their seats.

The preliminaries of the peace concluded with America on

the 30th of November, 1782, without the participation of France, acknowledged the independence of the United States; and thus by far the most important point was settled. The treaties of peace of the 3d September, 1783, and the 20th May, 1784, between England, France, America, Spain, and the Netherlands, contained many minor provisions; and indeed, as the belligerent powers restored to each other the conquests they had respectively made, the results of those great exertions appear insignificant enough. Among them, however, were the following: 1. France received Tobago and Senegal, in exchange for Gambia and Fort James. She obtained a greater share in the fisheries of Newfoundland, and took possession of the neighboring islands of St. Pierre and Miguelon. 2. Spain retained Minorca, the Floridas, and that portion of the Mississippi valley not belonging to the Americans. 3. Holland ceded Negapatam, and permitted the English to navigate all the Indian seas.

When

No one at that time doubted that England had suffered an irreparable loss in being deprived of her colonies, and that she was approaching her downfall. Only two men were found to combat these sad forebodings on the one hand, and impious hopes on the other these were Adam Smith, who was then but little read and understood, and Dean Tucker, who was regarded as a visionary and enthusiast.† France rejoiced at her presumed increase of power in consequence of England's weakness, and forgot the admonitions of Vergennes concerning the principles of an elevated line of policy. Her finances were in a disordered condition; and after the experience of the Americans, gradual progress and improvement no longer satisfied any one. Tippoo Saib, in September, 1791, sought assistance from Louis XVI., the latter observed, "This recalls to mind America, on which I never think without regret. My youth was then in a manner abused; we are now suffering for it, and that lesson is too severe to be forgotten." There is, however, no greater historical error`than to compare the French and American revolutions in respect to origin, progress, events, and issue; and no greater historical injustice, than to set up the latter as a pattern or a warning to present and future ages, and pay no attention whatever to the greater American development. That this development, however, even after the conclusion of the happy peace, had to contend with many impediments, which nothing but the greatest wisdom and moderation could have overcome, is not in the slightest degree doubted by any well in formed person.

Genz, Histor. Journal, 1800, ii. 8.

*Flassan, vii. 353.

Mém. de Moleville, vi. 225.

CHAPTER VII.

FROM THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES (1783) TO THE ADOPTION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION (1789).

Loyalists-Consequences of the War-The Army-Washington's Departure-First Constitution of 1778--New Constitution-Washington President.

GREAT and universal as had been the activity and enthusiasm of the inhabitants of North America on behalf of the independence of their native land, there were still a considerable number who held it to be in accordance with their rights, their duty, and perhaps their interest, to oppose what seemed to them a detestable rebellion against the mother-country. These persons, designated by the name of loyalists, suffered greatly even during the war, and at its close they found themselves still more distressed and even maltreated. The English ministers were violently reproached in parliament for not having takenmore care of these faithful subjects; which, however, in opposition to the will and power of thirteen nearly independent states, would certainly have been attended with the greatest difficulties. Many loyalists emigrated, not without sacrifices of property, to British America (to Canada, Nova Scotia, the Bahama islands, &c.), where they gradually received indemnification and assistance from the mother-country to a large amount.*

On the victors too the war had been productive of the most various effects. They found opportunities to develope great talents and virtues, to diminish in seasons of distress the jealousies of the individual states, and to compose the vehement disputes between the religious sects. They acquired a more exact knowledge of their native country, pursued at least those branches of science that had reference to war (as e. g. that of medicine), and learned to think more correctly and to write better on public affairs. But, on the other hand, there also remained the evil consequences of every war, and especially of a civil war; and it cost much labor to root out the scandalous principles and practices that had sprung up during the revolution.

One of the greatest and most pressing difficulties was occasioned by the army. The government was not in a condition to do any thing of consequence for the troops, or even to disburse the arrears of their pay. This caused great discontent; and the

* Sinclair (ii. 97) says 3 million pounds.-Belsham, vii. 364.

more violent even devised a plan for compelling the Congress in Philadelphia to accede to their wishes. The wisdom and authority of Washington averted also this threatening danger. By an impressive speech he brought the leaders back to their senses, and rejected with abhorrence the thought that he, the liberator of his country, should become its tyrant or even its ruler. His taking leave of the army, on the 4th of December, 1783, was affecting in the extreme. He drank all their healths

for the last time, and wished that their latter days might be as happy as their former ones had been glorious and honorable. He then crossed the North river in a boat, waved his hat once more in the distance, and vanished from their eyes.

The greatest part of the army also returned by degrees to their old employments; but the officers, wishing to remain together in a community of their own, formed the so-called Cincinnatus Society, upon which they proposed to confer permanence and dignity by the admission both of natives and foreigners.

This plan, however, met with so much opposition, as an antirepublican order and on account of its aristocratic tendency, that Washington himself had to labor for its dissolution. Jefferson also, whom Washington consulted, opposed it on just grounds."

Washington wrote to the governors of each of the states, and pointed out to them with all the force of truth and eloquence the necessity of being united, upright, and obedient, and of acting in conformity with the principles which the new state of things imperatively demanded. To Congress he rendered an exact account of his disbursement of the public money; and at a secret session, on the 23d of December, 1783, he resigned his office into their hands. The president replied to his speech with respect, dignity, and gratitude. Washington, the founder of the great American republic, now joyfully repaired to his country-seat, Mount Vernon; devoted himself to agriculture, the improvement of his neighborhood, and his friends; and proved in an affecting and exalted manner that the fame which had been won by the sword, without crimes and ambition, could also be maintained in private life without power or outward pomp. Happier than Timoleon and Brutus, no dark shadows of memory flitted across the cheerful serenity of his existence.

The tasks imposed on Congress were many and too difficult, as e. g. the adjustment of the relations with foreign countries and the piratical states of Africa, the regulation of trade, which had been interrupted and was carried on partly at a loss, and above all, the settlement of the finances and the public debt. Not the Union only, but each individual state, had contracted large debts; while nothing satisfactory had been done for discharging them or *Rayner's Life of Jefferson, p. 207. Tucker, i. 171.

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