well-founded complaints of the Americans and acknowledge their right of self-taxation, were rejected by a vote of 184 to 51.*

Prophetically he said: "Force in the long run can never succeed, its effect is always uncertain. It is impossible to change opinions arising from descent, education, religion, position, &c.; two millions of men cannot be brought before a criminal court, but we must take things as they are, and hold fast to undeniable facts. Shall we destroy that which made the colonies great, destroy them to bring them to obedience? On the contrary the Americans must be won to the constitution of the British empire. This does not require the reception of their deputies in the English House of Commons, but the recognition of their own constitutions and of the right of self-taxation. It is by no means impossible to find out a proper position to be occupied by the American constitutions with regard to that of Great Britain; and the fear that in case of such a concession no more money would be granted by the Americans, appears, as England itself demonstrates, wholly unfounded. But after all, the idea of drawing money from America to England is certainly preposterous. American taxes must be expended in America, and it must not be forgotten that the colonies are still of use, directly in commerce and indirectly in war."

In the meantime New York, which it had been sought to gain over by a milder treatment than common, was striving after the same rights as the other states; and the increasing distress, arising in great measure from the suppression of the fisheries, augmented the hatred against England. The Americans, however, with great prudence and foresight, avoided the appearance of being the aggressors; they wished to awaken sympathy for their righteous cause, and not by passionate errors to diminish the number of their friends. But when General Gage undertook to destroy their arms and ammunition, a skirmish took place at Lexington between the king's troops and the Americans: the first blood of citizens flowed on the 19th of April, 1775, the immediate cause of war being the claim to impose a tax from which it was well known there could remain no surplus for England.

The English relied upon their ascendency by land and sea, their wealth, military stores, and experience in warfare, upon their government directed from a single point, and the knowledge of the art of war possessed by their generals and admirals. The Americans took into the account the weakening effect of the listance between England and themselves, their more accurate

* Belsham, vi. 74. Burke on Amer. Conciliation, 22d March, 1775. Works, iii. 23. lamsay, i. 307.

knowledge of their own country, and above all the righteousness of their good cause. The enthusiasm in favor of the war, not against the king but against the English ministry, was universal; and preachers, judges, public officers, the press, all labored unanimously for the same object. In a greater battle fought at Bunker Hill, near Boston, on the 17th of June, 1775, the English it is true gained the victory over the undisciplined American troops; but they met with such an obstinate resistance, and suffered so heavy a loss, that it furnished serious occasion to new councils and deliberations on both sides.

On the 10th of May preceding this event, the congress had met a second time, and had drawn up vindicatory addresses to Great Britain, Ireland, and Jamaica, and also a suitable petition to the king. To this last no answer was vouchsafed, because the rebels made no offer of subjection, and had in view only to gain time. This rejection embittered even the moderate party, who, although aiming at the establishment and recognition of a free constitution, did not regard as desirable an entire dissolution of the connection with Great Britain.

The motion of the Duke of Richmond on the 10th of November, 1775, that the representations of the congress to the king presented an opportunity for new negotiations and a settlement of differences, was rejected as before. The old tories, the high church zealots, and the whigs, with whom the maxim of the omnipotence of Parliament outweighed all other considerations, stood united against the smaller number of those who were styled American democrats.†

Five months later, on the 17th of March, 1776, Boston was taken by the Americans; and a few weeks afterwards, almost all the governors had fled, and the royal authority had become loosened to such an extent, that on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved in congress to declare the independence of the North American states. A document was soon after drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, entitled the Declaration of Independence, and submitted to the examination of a committee. It was then taken up by the congress; and having, after an earnest debate, been altered in a few points, it was almost unanimously adopted on the 4th day of July.

It enumerates all the evils, oppressions, and wrongs, which the Americans considered themselves to have suffered from England and especially from the king and government, and declares the eternal and inalienable rights which God has given to his creatures, namely life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

*Belsham, vi. 181, 204.

† Dr. Johnson said: "The Americans are a race of convicts, and ought to be thankful for any thing we allow them short of hanging." M'Gregor's America, i. 30. The only opponent was Mr. Dickinson.

"To secure these rights governments are instituted, which derive their just power from the consent of the governed. Where a government becomes destructive of these ends, the people have a right to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government which may conduce to their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed dictates that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience has shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But where a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism,* and when a government pays no attention to their most earnest petitions and well-grounded remonstrances, it becomes their duty to throw it off, and to provide new guards for their future security. We, therefore, the assembled representatives of the United States of America, appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that they are and of right ought to be free and independent states, and that all allegiance and connection with the British crown is hereby totally dissolved. And for support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."

From that time to the present day, this American Declaration (like similar principles, measures, and declarations) has been contemplated and judged from wholly opposite points of view. The uncompromising adherents of the doctrine of divine rights and blind obedience, as well as the advocates of the right of every rebellion, solve with perfect ease all questions concerning political and social relations; for without ever closely inquiring into their origin, contents, the occasion that produced them, their management and success, they clap them upon the same last, and measure them with the same yard-stick. This seemingly absolute and infallible wisdom necessarily tends almost always to error and folly; and all that is characteristic and life-like is destroyed, in order to enthrone in its stead the spectre of arbitrary rules as the only dispenser of happiness. This caput mortuum of soi-disant profound historical views, treats the thirty tyrants, the decemvirs and triumvirs, Gessler and Tell, Alba and William of Orania, Charles I. and Cromwell, James II. William III. and Louis XVI., Washington and Robespierre, the most stupid and impudent rebellion and the noblest stand against oppression,

The Declaration speaks most strongly against the king, because America yielded no recognition whatever to the right and might of Parliament.

in precisely the same manner, and seeks to exalt a few barren ideas above genuine enthusiasm and profound knowledge. Without entering upon a closer examination and refutation of this one-sided system than is here admissible, we return after these few hints to our historical narration, the course of which affords a sufficient illustration of these principles.

CHAPTER V.

FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE (1776) TO THE BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE (1778).

Necessity of the War-Washington-Capture of Burgoyne-France and AmericaWar between France and England.

A RIGHTEOUS indignation at wrongs endured, and a noble enthusiasm in the cause of liberty and one's native land are, as a general rule, the most important conditions to success in great warlike undertakings; but that these will not suffice without patience, obedience, and habits of discipline, was experienced by the Americans after a large body of English troops under Lord Howe had landed upon their coasts. Before commencing hostilities, he issued demands for submission and promises of pardon; but in this the Americans saw only an artifice for sowing disunion among themselves, and they even printed and distributed these English proclamations, in order that the people might be convinced that where rights ought to have been acknowledged and confirmed, all they were offered was-pardon!

The Americans, however, were obliged every where to retire before the English army, which was well commanded and inured to war; they thus lost New York, Long Island, New Jersey, Rhode Island, and the whole country as far as the Delaware; while in consequence of this misfortune, all order vanished from their ranks, many returned home at the expiration of their stipulated term of service, and whole hosts of inhabitants hastened over to the royal army to seek peace and protection. Congress alone remained active and firm in this most trying juncture of the American war of freedom, and delivered to General Washington, with provident sagacity and noble confidence, the supreme command of the army. He was empowered at his discretion to raise and dis

band troops, to inflict punishment, levy contributions, award compensations, &c. That such a man as Washington was to be found, and that his worth was duly appreciated, were circumstances highly fortunate and highly meritorious. Without his personal influence and exertions, the American revolution could never have succeeded so admirably; in fact none can succeed where the excited masses are destitute of wise and virtuous leaders.

George Washington was born in Virginia, in the county of Westmoreland, on the 22d of February, 1732, sound and strong in body, cultivated in mind by industry but still more by his way of life, and distinguished as a leader in the war of 1756 to 1763. He had an intellect powerful but not dazzling. Even in the present day in America, happily for the country, merely brilliant qualities are by no means over-estimated, as is so often the case in France; and rectitude, character, and virtue are never regarded as superfluous, unimportant accompaniments. Few men who have earned for themselves a celebrated name in the history of the world exhibit such a harmony, such a concordant symmetry of all the qualities calculated to render himself and others happy, as Washington; and it has been very appropriately observed, that, like the master-pieces of ancient art, he must be the more admired in the aggregate, the more closely he is examined in detail. His soul was elevated above party-spirit, prejudice, selfinterest, and paltry aims; he acted according to the impulses of a noble heart and a sound understanding, strengthened by impartial observation. By calmly considering things in all their relations and from every point of view, he became master of them, and was able, even in situations of the greatest perplexity, to choose with certainty that which was best. To the greatest firmness he united the mildness and patience equally necessary in the then state of affairs; to prudence and foresight he joined boldness at the right moment; and the power entrusted to him he never abused by the slightest infraction of the laws.

Although it is impossible that an American can ever again perform such services for his country as were then rendered by Washington, his noble, blameless, and spotless image will remain a model and a rallying-point to all, to encourage the good and to deter the bad. How petty do the common race of martial heroes appear in comparison with Washington! how insignificant especially Lord North, who, while internally wavering, strove after an appearance of decision, feebly pursued measures of violence, and awakened hatred without instilling fear!

The formation of a new and more effective American army was promoted by the insubordination and plundering propensities of many of the English and German soldiery; for as soon as the inhabitants perceived that submission could not ensure their