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assembly, should hereafter be appointed by the crown. The appointment of most of the public officers, and the removal of councillors and judges, were intrusted to the will of the governor; the town-meetings were made entirely dependent on him; and not the slightest respect was paid to the contents of the old charters, to which all these proceedings were opposed. Lord North said: "If this bill does not rest on grounds of the greatest political necessity, it rests on nothing. And in fact it did rest on nothing; yet 239 against 64 voted for it in the lower house, and 92 against 20 in the upper house, remaining true to the conviction, that severity would soon set all to rights!

Allowing that the constitution of Massachusetts exhibited great defects, still it was exceedingly rash to change its form just at that moment-exceedingly short-sighted to destroy despotically the recognized rights and charters of an entire people, and to play the reformer so awkwardly and unjustly. At any rate it might have been distinctly foreseen that herein the omnipotence of Parliament was still less likely to be acknowledged than it was in paying the duties on tea.

The third blundering encroachment of the English ministry consisted in a law passed at the same time, to the effect that any person indicted for murder or any other capital offence committed in aiding the magistracy of Massachusetts should be tried in another colony, or in England.

These measures, the blame bestowed on them even in the British Parliament, the public meetings, correspondence, and publications of all kinds, raised the enthusiasm in favor of North American freedom to such a pitch, that even the most circumspect coincided in-or at least did not venture to oppose-the assertion, that it was necessary to bear present sufferings with cheerfulness, in order to escape the great and inevitable evils with which they were threatened. The restrictions of old constitutions and governments were less effectual in accustoming men to an anarchy hitherto unknown, than they were in leading to new measures which far surpassed in boldness all that had been attempted before. Thus the combination entered into by newly established committees, communicated to all undertakings and movements a rapidity, unanimity, and activity, of which no example had hitherto been given; and which was afterwards repeated in the Jacobin clubs in another and more fearful manner.

Boston bore the very heavy loss arising from the embargo on its commerce, with immoveable firmness; and experienced every where such hearty sympathy, that even the inhabitants of the neighboring town of Salem-whither it was designed to turn

* Belsham, vi. 54.

† Burke, iii. 60. Ramsay, i. 217.

the course of trade, as a punishment to Boston,-declared, that they would consider it shameful to enrich themselves at the expense of their fellow-citizens. The proclamation of General Gage, the English commander-in-chief in Massachusetts, to the effect that the compacts against trade with England were hostile and traitorous, led merely to a controversial correspondence; while every one acted in the matter as he pleased. The attempt to establish a new government in Massachusetts failed; since several of the persons appointed by the king declined their offices, and others were prevented from assuming them by the people. Thus there ensued a general stoppage of all the courts and public offices, without giving immediate rise to riots, and acts of violence. When, however, the rumor was spreadperhaps intentionally-that Boston had been bombarded by the British, many thousands assembled immediately in the surrounding country; and all the custom-house officers and other public functionaries, including even the newly established courts in Salem, were compelled to flee to Boston.

Four months after the reception of the Boston Port Bill, on the 5th of September, 1774, the delegates of twelve provinces (Georgia followed later) met in general congress in Philadelphia; they gave one vote to each state, and chose Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, as their president. In some of the provinces the deputies had been appointed by the legislative assemblies; in others, where the governors opposed it, this had been performed by assemblies of the people on their own authority. The resolutions that emanated from the congress abounded in strong assurances of loyalty, and of legitimate adherence to the mother-country. They acknowledged the prerogatives of the crown, and disclaimed all desire of separation. But, on the other hand, they firmly maintained, that they were entitled to all the rights of native British subjects; that the late proceedings against Massachusetts were illegal and oppressive, and consequently were to be regarded as a matter of common concern to all the states. True, said they, the British Parliament can make certain regulations, and impose certain restrictions intended to benefit the trade of the whole kingdom; but no tax can be levied on the Americans without their own consent; and to them belongs the right of devising all laws for their internal government, and of laying them before the king. The congress resolved, moreover, that the American settlers had the right to be tried by their peers, to assemble peaceably together to consider their grievances, and present petitions to the king. It was contrary to law, they said, to keep a standing army in America without the consent of the provincial assemblies, and to make the legislative power entirely dependent on a council, simply appointed by the

crown. The acts respecting new taxes, the quartering of troops, judicial proceedings, the embargo on Boston, &c.: it was also necessary to repeal.*

To this effect an able and eloquent address was drawn up to the inhabitants of Great Britain, and also an address to the king; but at the same time-in order to give greater weight to these measures-all commercial intercourse with Great Britain was broken off until their grievances should be removed. Still the assurance was repeated, that nothing new was meditated; and that all they sought was the restoration and preservation of their former peace, liberty, and safety.

When the congress had thus performed its task, with seriousness, moderation, order, and prudence, it dissolved itself on the 26th of October; but not until it had made the necessary arrangements for a second meeting. Every where its orders. were readily obeyed; and while the old forms of government still subsisted, they had in fact entirely lost their power and efficacy. One spirit seemed to animate all, and the enthusiasm on behalf of the public welfare exceeded all calculation. The merchants and country people submitted without demur to very strict regulations respecting trade, and the exportation of their produce; and each individual assented to unwonted deprivations and new obligations. A cheerful gaiety was exhibited in the midst of all these sufferings; for the attainment of freedom seemed worthy of all price. Thus all were exalted above themselves to a pitch of self-denial, devotion, and courage, which the cold prudence of quiet times can scarcely comprehend.

Yet instructive and warning as these events and manifestations must have been to every unprejudiced observer, the Parliament newly assembled in November, 1774, agreed with the former one: thus proving that a people may be very jealous of its own liberties, while, unhappily, it seeks to destroy those of another. Individual members, it is true, pointed out to ministers, that their anticipations of an easy suppression of disturbances had turned out erroneous, and that they were threatened with the dangers of a civil war; but the majority were still in favor of severe measures; and, among others, Lord Sandwich, the head of the admiralty, spoke in the most contemptuous manner of the sentiments and power of the Americans. The partial resolutions of the congress, he asserted, would not be supported by the people; or, at any rate, they would easily be annulled by the superior power of England. These erroneous views were in a good measure owing to the fact, that the government received their accounts of what was going on, almost exclusively from their own officials; who were either imperfectly cognizant of the true * Ramsay, i. 248.

state of things, or else sought to enhance the value and merits of their vigilance by slandering the Americans.

No one censured the views and proceedings of the ministry with greater severity and vehemence than Lord Chatham. He pledged his honor, and declared that he would own himself an idiot, if the resolutions that had been passed would not have to be repealed. When ministers retorted, that it was easy to find fault, but difficult to make more judicious propositions, he brought in a Bill, on the 20th of January, 1775, which was designed to effect a reconciliation with the colonies. It asserted the right of the king to send a moderate army at all times into all parts of his dominions; but declared that military force should never be employed to violate and destroy the just rights of the people. The legal constitution and charters should remain untouched, several harsh measures should be rescinded, and an amnesty declared for all that had taken place. A congress might assemble to acknowledge the rights of Parliament over the colonies, and grant a tax to the king, which Parliament might then dispose of. Direct local taxation should belong to the Americans; from which, however, the general measures necessary for the regulation of commerce in a great kingdom were essentially distinct. "As to the metaphysical refinements," said Chatham, "attempting to show that the Americans are equally free from legislative control and commercial restraint, as from taxation for the purpose of revenue, I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and groundless."*

Lord Sandwich's declaration, that Chatham's bill seemed rather the work of an American (turning to Franklin, who was present) than of a British nobleman, was certainly unfounded; since the colonists, for the reasons already mentioned would have been but little gratified with the measures proposed: but be that as it may, it is a proof of passion and hastiness, that this and similar propositions of the greatest statesman in England, should be rejected at once, and without serious deliberation.

The new Parliament, which, without subjecting itself to censure, might have repealed many of the acts of the former one, on the contrary proceeded with hasty steps in the same course, prohibited the reception of any more petitions from the Americans, and declared their acts rebellious. Yet notwithstanding this more than dubious proceeding, Lord North said: "I have not the least doubt that the dispute with America will be ended speedily, happily, and without bloodshed."

By way of nearer approach to this peaceful consummation, commands were issued to increase the number of troops in Boston, and to place a general embargo on American trade, including

Belsham, vi. 102, 104. Genz, 1. c. p. 40.

the fisheries in Newfoundland. It was, indeed, remarked by some, that the restraints on the fisheries would operate also to the serious injury of Great Britain; that such proceedings were more cruel than were customary, even against enemies; that they would drive the American fishermen to the extremities of famine, compel them to become soldiers, &c. But the majority replied: The Americans themselves have given occasion for the measures complained of, and commenced hostilities against English trade. They must be shown that England is not more powerless than they; and members must not shrink from adopting such means as are the best, because leading most speedily to the desired result.

Still, in order not to put an end to all thoughts of an accommodation, or with the design of creating differences between the colonies, Lord North, in February, 1775, made the proposition, that if any of the colonies would grant and place at the disposal of Parliament a proportionate sum for the common defence of the empire, and make provision for the support of the civil government and the administration of justice within their confines, and if such grants and provisions should be approved of by the king and Parliament,-then during such contributions the duties should be taken off, excepting such as might seem necessary for the regulation of trade, and the income from these should be expended for their benefit.

The ministers maintained, that in case the opposition of the Americans was founded solely on the grounds which they professed, they must necessarily accept the proposition made them; a rejection of which would completely prove that they cherished other and criminal designs. The whole proposition, however, met with but little acceptance even in England, and much less in America. The claims of Parliament to unconditional power, it was here said, are but awkwardly concealed; it desires to treat with single states, in order that it may work on some by fear and on others by self-interest, and thus dissolve their union. Assent to a permanent tax leads to tyranny. England's monopoly of trade comprises within itself a taxation of America; and if the mother-country desires to obtain still more, Americans must be allowed to carry on their trade as freely as Britons. The proposition, it was continued, contains no renunciation of the rights of taxation, and forgets that the internal government and administration of justice are wholly under the direction of American assemblies. On these and similar grounds, Lord North's proposition, which had been carried in the House of Commons by a vote of 274 to 88,* was in America unanimously rejected.

Milder proposals on the part of Edmund Burke, to redress the *Belsham, vi. 124.

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