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In Missouri, the taxes raised from lands, houses, mills, negroes, cattle, and watches, amount to from toper cent. (Arnd's Missouri, p. 268.)

In Ohio the taxes amount to about 1 per cent. of the 132 millions of dollars at which the taxable property is estimated. (Amer. Alman. 1844, p. 278. Grund's Handbuch, p. 139)

In Pennsylvania the income is raised from estates, auction-sales, collateral inheritances, tavern licenses, turnpikes, bank dividends, &c.

In Tennessee the taxable property was rated in 1840 at 125 millions of dollars, and the taxes amounted to $136,000. (Amer. Alman. 1841, p. 227.)

In Virginia taxes are levied on lands, slaves, horses, wagons, licenses to merchants, attorneys, watches, pianos, &c.

In New York, the taxable property was estimated in 1840 at $654,224,000, and the taxes produced were $3,148,000. The entire debt, the interest of which is regularly paid, amounts to about 25 millions. (Amer. Alman. 1841, p. 195; 1845, p. 224.)

CHAPTER XXII.

POST-OFFICE.

THE post-office establishment in the United States has never been mixed with the department of finance, or viewed as a principal source of public revenue. The intention is merely to make the receipts always cover the expenditures, and to prevent the necessity of any additional appropriation for the benefit of rich letter-writers. In the year 1790 there were 75 post-offices, 1,875 miles of post-roads, and an income of $37,000; in the year 1829 there were 8,004 post-offices, and 115,000 miles of road; in 1838* there were 12,553 post-offices.

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* Report of the Postmaster General. Hinton, ii. 276. Message of 1839. Mason, p. 219.

† In the year 1843 there were transmitted:

Letters subject to postage,

66

postage-free,

Drop-Letters for delivery,

24,267,000

3,015,000

1,026,000

Newspapers subject to postage, 36,334,000

66

postage-free,

Pamphlets and magazines,

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miles.

The total transportation for last year amounted to 35,409,624 The entire revenue amounted in 1790 to $37,935; and in 1844 to $4,237,285* The postage of a letter, i. e. of one piece of paper, no matter how large it may be, is for

not over 30 miles,

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Two pieces of paper are charged with double, three with triple postage, &c.

Newspapers not over 100 miles pay 1 cent; over 100 miles, they pay 1 cents. Every publisher of a newspaper may send (under certain regulations) a copy of his paper to all other newspaper publishers free of postage. From Maine to New Orleans, at least 2000 English miles, the postage of a letter amounts to little over a shilling sterling, or to from 10 to 11 silver groschen for 500 German miles.

The post here as elsewhere, from the want of sufficient legal provisions, has fallen into disputes with the monopolizing contractors of roads and railways respecting the time of conveyance and costs of transportation.† Congress then made use of its constitutional right, to pass a law that the department should not pay over $300 a year per mile for the daily transportation of one or more mail-coaches, and that the railroad companies must demand no more. According to the contracts, usually made for four years, the transportation per mile costs on an average,

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railroad and steamboat, 12 7 Jackson is blamed for dismissing an unusually large number of postmasters, and appointing none but persons of his own political creed. Hence since 1836 a right of co-operation has been given to the Senate, at least in the appointment to the most considerable offices. Formerly the entire right of appointment lay in the hands of the postmaster general. The postmasters receive a share of the proceeds; but this must not exceed a cer

tain sum.

If, as is asserted, there were actually sent in one year, by government officers, senators, representatives, postmasters, &c.,

Among these receipts the letter postage amounted to $3,676,161, postage to $849,743.

the newspaper Report of 1838. The transportation for about one forty-eighth of the distance is per railroad.

Buckingham's Slave States, i. 233.

*

three millions of letters postage-free, this abuse must very considerably lessen the receipts. In the United States the postoffice lays no exclusive claim to the transportation of packages and goods; but in recent times its exclusive right even to the conveyance of letters has unexpectedly been disputed, and it has been asserted that every single state and every individual projector has the right to establish post-offices as well as the general government. It seems absolutely necessary that an appropriate and decisive law should be passed relative to this subject, and that the abuses of the franking privilege should be abolished. So long as this is not done, any considerable reduction of the postage, without great deficits, will be impossible; and indeed the entire system of national postage must sink into embarrassment, to the serious detriment of all the remote lying provinces.

According to news that has just reached me, the postage of a letter under 300 miles has been fixed at five cents, and over that distance at ten cents.‡

CHAPTER XXIII.

THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION.

Introduction of Duties-Reasons for and against Protective Duties-NullificationCompromise Act-Jackson and Calhoun against High Duties-New Tariff-Commercial Independence-Wages-New Factories-Advantages and Disadvantages of America-Protective Duties for Agriculture-Raising of Taxes-False views respecting Duties-Clay and Webster on the Tariff-Proposals for CompromiseEvils and Means of Remedy-Smuggling-German Customs- Union.

THE words of the Constitution of 1787 respecting the right of Congress to levy taxes, are as follows: "The Congress shall have power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States."

*American Almanac for 1844, p. 132.

† Mason, pp. 134-143.

This law went into operation on the 1st of July, 1845. It further says, that "every letter or parcel not exceeding half an ounce in weight shall be deemed a single letter; and every additional weight of half an ounce, or additional weight of less than half an ounce, shall be charged with an additional single postage."-TR.

With very transient exceptions in times of necessity and war, the general government has imposed no excise or other taxes, but has provided for the general expenses wholly out of the sale of public lands and the duties on imports. Yet it is said in the first custom-law of the 4th of July, 1789, that "duties shall be imposed for the payment of the public debt, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures." As however they amounted to only five per cent. on an average, no great objection was made. But during the last war with England, many domestic manufactures were established; which it was said could not support themselves on the restoration of peace, without higher duties to protect them against British competition. It was declared also to be but proper, to retaliate on the English corn and tobacco laws. Hence ensued in the year 1816 the first, and in 1824 a second augmentation of the tariff. In the year 1827 long investigations and interrogations were ordered respecting the costs of production, the price of labor, &c.; and, as is usually the case, the fluctuating, uncertain, partial information procured, led to still more erroneous conclusions, on which was based a new and much higher protective tariff for the manufacturers.* That the question of revenue was utterly laid aside, appears from the simple fact that the public debt was then almost wholly extinguished, and the income with good management exceeded the expenditure.

The consequence of these new custom-laws was, that on the coast and particularly on the Canadian border,† an immense contraband trade sprang up; and thus honest merchants suffered, to benefit a few smugglers and manufacturers. But the partizans of protective duties did not suffer themselves to be disturbed by these and similar results. They said: "The words of the Constitution (quoted above) give to Congress absolute authority to determine what are the wants of the general government, and how much is required for the welfare of the whole country. As now in particular the several states do not protect their fellow-citizens against foreign and injurious competition, do not establish and promote home manufactures, and cannot regulate the prices, all this becomes the peculiar duty and office of Congress, to whom the entire legislation respecting duties has been committed. Herein consists the true American system, which every friend of his country is bound to support."

In refutation of these views, the opponents of high protective duties said: "Congress has a right to collect only what is actually

*Thus on ready-made clothing of every kind there was laid an import, duty of 50 per cent. as if the tariff had been made by tailors and shoemakers. Wool was raised from 15 to 50 per cent., woollen goods from 25 to 50 per cent., hemp from 30 to 60 per cent. Hinton, ii. 237. M'Gregor's Legislation, p. 194.

E. g. from the island of Campobello in New Brunswick and in Passamaquoddy bay.-M'Gregor's America, ii. 37.

needed for the payment of the public debts and for the defence of the country. It has no right to declare that any undertaking seems useful to it, and that money must be raised and expended for such purpose; for in this way the power and influence of the general government would soon undermine the independence of the several states. The easily invented pretext of the public good, the eulogies bestowed on some dazzling scheme, will not suffice to take money at pleasure out of the pockets of citizens; the more these are let alone, the less they are put into leadingstrings, the more will they succeed in the attainment of useful objects by their own prudence and energy. All raising of the duties beyond the public wants, and for the mere purpose of protecting certain manufactures, is unconstitutional, unjust, and imprudent. It is an obvious absurdity to suppose that labor, capital, professions, trades, prices, are in this great confederation to be restricted, regulated, or promoted in any sensible way by the power of Congress. It is a folly and a falsehood, to call this system of monopoly, this favoring of certain classes or pursuits, the American system; while it violates the doctrine of republican freedom and self-government; transplants hither the errors of Europe, in opposition to the letter and spirit of our Constitution; selfishly or blindly wrongs the whole people, in order to gain the applause of a few; or divides with partial hand the surplus treasure that has been unjustly accumulated, to attract supporters to these false measures.

"Natural manufactures will grow up of themselves; artificial ones are an injury to the people, and at last to the projectors likewise. America must and will acquire by degrees the greatest manufactures of every kind; but every thing has its time, and what is forced and premature is never in season. The absurdity and injuriousness of high rates of duty were long ago demonstrated in the justly venerated Federalist;* and yet, after so many years of instructive experience, we return to what was then scorned and rejected."

As early as the year 1823, the North American Review (p. 186 et seqq.) gave an exposition of the matter as moderate as it is complete: "The laments over the distress and downfall of our commerce are one-sided and exaggerated. These are only temporary crises, arising out of too great boldness; and which must themselves be regarded as a consequence of very great progress. Other evils arise from negligence, ignorance, want of machinery and capital; against which protective duties would prove no efficient safeguard. At least it would be a simpler mode of proceeding, to seek for no specious pretexts, but give money at once to such as have none. Protective duties, on the

• Chapter xxxv.

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