of legislation: a bride was not to adorn herself with floating tresses," and her welcome home was not to be noisy with feasting and revelry. The convent bells which had rung their sweet chimes for ages across the blue waters of the Rhone, and become associated with many evening memories of love and song, had been previously destroyed and cast into cannon. It was impossible that a change so sudden and severe as this could be lasting, all at once. A strong opposition, partly composed of political malcontents, and of the lovers of a more free and social life, was gradually formed; and after various struggles they succeeded in their resistance to the clergy, and banished them the city.

It is difficult to characterise the party which now temporarily prevailed against the Calvinistic discipline in Geneva, and finally, in a later and memorable struggle, was thwarted and crushed by the influence of the great reformer. It has descended to us under the name of the Libertines; but this was in reality its nickname, given to it by its enemies, and beyond doubt it serves greatly to misrepresent it. The Libertines, rightly so called, were a spiritual sect which sprang up in the course of the Reformation, a kind of offshoot of Anabaptism. It is not pretended by any that the antiCalvinist party in Geneva were mainly, or even to any considerable extent, composed of the adherents of this spiritual libertinism, although some of its leaders may have shared in certain tenets of the sect, and even been

Registres de la Répub., 20 Mai 1537-quoted by Henry, Dyer, &c. + This event in reality took place before the arrival of Calvin in 1534. -Registres, 17 Juillet 1534.

in alliance with it. This was probably the position of some of the Favre family, afterwards so signally associated with the anti-Calvinist reaction. There seems good reason to believe, however, that the main nucleus of the party was the Eidgenossen, or band of really liberal patriots, who had formerly rescued their native city from a foreign yoke, and who now and afterwards were animated, as we shall find, by very strong feelings, but by very mixed and indefinite views, in the part which they acted.

On his expulsion from Geneva, Calvin proceeded with Farel to Berne, where a series of negotiations were set on foot with a view to the conciliation of the Genevese and the return of the reformers. Previously, while the disputes were still going on, the Bernese had taken a friendly part in them, and it was hoped that by their present mediation they might be still accommodated. But their efforts, thwarted by the bitter dislike of some of the Bernese ministers to Calvin, and by the obstinacy of the Genevese, were fruitless. The decree of banishment was confirmed, and the reformers driven to seek some other sphere for their labours. Calvin repaired first to Basle, his old place of refuge, and then to Strasburg by the invitation of Bucer. Here he settled in the end of 1538, and became the pastor of a congregation of French refugees, who were exiles, like himself, from his native country on account of their faith.

Here Calvin spent the next three years, amongst the happiest, or at least the quietest and most honourable, of his life. At no time does he appear more admirable than during those years of exile. His

magnanimity and single-minded earnestness come out strongly tempered by a certain patience, moderation, and sadness, that we seem to miss elsewhere. Relieved from power, he was also relieved from its wounding irritations, which were apt to chafe his keen spirit, and we see only the simple grandeur, wonderful capacity, and truthful feeling of the man. They were years of busy interest and activity, political, domestic, and theological.

We find him engaged in the three great conferences at Frankfort, Worms, and Ratisbon, co-operating with Bucer, and counselling with Melancthon. Not less anxious than either for a comprehensive peace which should embrace all the churches, he yet saw, with a clearer eye than they did, the difficulties in the way of union. His various letters on the subject to Farel are full of sound wisdom and sense-moderate and conciliatory, yet clear-sighted and earnest for the truth. We see him farther the centre of a private series of negotiations in connection with Caroli, a singular impostor of the time, who is strangely mixed up with the history of the Reformation. This person had previously rendered himself notorious for his enmity to Calvin and Farel, both of whom he had accused of Arianism; and afterwards, when he failed to establish his reputation at their expense, he had rejoined the Church of Rome. He now sought a reconciliation with the reformers, and seems to have imposed upon the good-nature of Farel Calvin, however, was not so easily moved; and his letters to Farel, in which he takes him to task for his softness in the matter, especially one of 8th October

1539, give a curious self-unveiled glimpse of the reformer's vehemence of temper.*

In the midst of these negotiations, public and private, he was induced to think of marriage. "I am so much at my ease," he says, in a spirit approaching to jocularity, "as to have the audacity to think of taking a wife." He had, in fact, a year before, written to Farel on the subject, and various projects of union were in the mean time set on foot by his friends; which, however, came to nothing. The truth is, that he was himself but a reluctant suitor, and if it had not been for the urgency of Bucer particularly he would probably never have taken any step in the matter. "I am none of those insane lovers," he says, "who embrace also the vices of those they are in love with, when they are smitten at first sight with a fine figure. The beauty that allures me in a wife is that she is chaste, not too nice or fastidious, economical, patient, and that there is hope she will be interested about my

# 66 They appointed a meeting with me together at the house of Mathias, when I might explain fully what it was that distressed me. There I sinned grievously in not having been able to keep within bounds; for so had the bile taken entire possession of my mind, that I poured out bitterness on all sides. There was certainly some cause for indignation, if moderation had only been observed in the expression of it.

In the conclusion of my speech, I stated my resolution rather to die than to subscribe this. Thereupon there was so much fervour on both sides that I could not have been more rude to Caroli himself had he been present. At length I forced myself out of the supper-room, Bucer followng, who, after he had soothed me by his fair speeches, brought me back to the test. I said that I wished to consider the matter more fully before making any further reply. When I got home I was seized with an extraordinary paroxysm, nor did I find any other solace than in sighs and tears."-Letters, vol. i. p. 136.

+ Letter to Farel, Sept. 1540, vol. i. p. 149.

health." There is a naïveté amusing, if it were not so cold, in the manner in which he narrates to Farel how one matrimonial project failed, and another was vigorously taken up by him. "A certain damsel of noble rank has been proposed to me, and with a fortune above my condition. Two considerations deterred me from that connection—because she did not understand our language, and because I feared she might be too mindful of her family and education. Her brother, a very devout person, urged the connection; his wife also, with a like partiality; so that I would have been prevailed to submit with a good grace, unless the Lord had otherwise appointed. When I replied that I could not engage myself unless the maiden would undertake to apply her mind to the learning of our language, she requested time for deliberation. Thereupon, without further parley, I sent my brother to escort here another, who, if she answers her repute, will bring a dowry large enough without any money at all.”†

The person here referred to-undowried, save in character and reputation-was Idelette de Bures, the widow of an Anabaptist whom he had converted; and to her he was married on the following August (1540). We learn but little of her. Calvin never unveils his domestic life as Luther does. We never catch the warm firelight of his family hearth kindling in any of his letters; no touches of playful portraiture relieve their gravity; and Idelette de Bures remains, consequently, but a dim personality beside Catherine Von Bora. All that we know of Calvin's wife, however, points to a somewhat elevated, if not very interesting character. * Letter to Farel, Sept. 1540, vol. i. p. 117. t Ib., p. 150.