COMPRESSED VIEW OF THE Points to be Discussed, IN TREATING WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; WITH AN APPENDIX. BY THE AUTHOR OF "AMERICAN ENCROACHMENTS ON BRITISH RIGHTS." At present, amongst European Nations, a Naval Strength, which is the portion of Great Britain, is more than ever of the greatest importance to Sovereignty, as well because most of the Kingdoms of Europe are not Continents, but in a good measure surrounded by the Sea, as because the treasures of both Indies seem but an accessory to the Dominion of the Sea." "The Sea, which is our Mother (that embraces BACON. MASSINGER. As the period approaches, when conferences are to be held to adjust the differences between Great Britain and the United States of America, the attention is naturally called to the objects which will offer themselves for discussion. The principal point is generally supposed to be our maritime rights; but to suffer these even to be discussed would be a dereliction of duty, in any negociator who might attempt, or any minister who might sanction it. No infringement, abatement, or qualification can be admitted. But there are various other objects, concerning which this negociation will give us an opportunity of treating; and which, though latent and little regarded by the public at large, are seriously felt, as of the utmost moment, by the few who have had opportunities of арpreciating their importance. At this juncture, therefore, and previous to the appointed meeting of plenipotentiaries, it is desirable to instil into the public mind, widely to circulate, and warmly to impress, the truths, that it will be the object of the following pages to maintain, and which, it is hoped, will not escape the penetration, or appear insignificant in the eyes, of those who may be entrusted with the interests of the empire on this momentous occasion. To" ships, colonies, and commerce," no one will deny, that the inhabitants of the British islands owe their wealth and prosperity, the government its preponderance and stability, and the imperial ⚫rown its lustre. Whatever, therefore, tends to augment the num bers of our mercantile and warlike fleets, of our seamen, and our traders; whatever can give increased extent, security, and value to our colonies; whatever can promote the commercial interests of the nation at large; must be an object of the warm solicitude of every patriot statesman. It will be contended in these pages, that no occurrence has for a series of years afforded so great an opening for enhancing these inestimable privileges, for correcting the errors of former times, and for making ample and stable provision for the future, than the result of the war, we are at present engaged in with the United States of America; for by that, all former treaties, all impolitic concessions are abrogated; every thing may pass in revision; and we shall, whenever a peace is concluded, be entitled, supposing the events of the war to give us that commanding attitude which we ought to possess, to claim and enforce those advantages, which nature and policy point out as belonging to the possessors of Canada. The importance of our possessions in North America, has never been duly estimated. Though the abundant supplies of timber, masts, &c. which our navy has, for years, derived from Canada, have, as to that point, now opened the eyes of the country; though the nursery for our seamen, which the fisheries on those coasts have constituted, has long been acknowledged, as almost a vital part of our naval existence; yet are there other advantages to be derived from the productions of nature and industry, which encouragement and protection from the mother country would incessantly call into action, that have been mostly overlooked, or greatly under-rated. The bounds within which this discussion is meant to be confined, will not permit of more than an enumeration of the most prominent of these objects. In the first place, our colonies of Upper and Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Newfoundland, are amply adequate to supply our West India possessions with all the timber, all the staves, and all the fish they can require: and prior to the present American war with nearly all the wheat and flour they could consume. The fur trade is an important branch, and might be made far more productive, if adequate protection and encouragement were given to pursue it to the shores of hen Pacific Ocean. Ashes, indispensable in our bleaching and soap manufactories, can be yielded in any quantities. Shumac, used for dying, can be furnished in abundance; flax seed, for which the staple of Ireland is now dependant on the United States, Holland, and the Baltic, might be raised and exported to great advantage;-and great quantities of oil and blubber might be imported from them, if admitted to entry at the same rate of duty, as the oil and blubber from Newfoundland. A loyal population, increasing in numbers, and diffusing itself over the millions of yet uncleared and uncultivated acres, which yield in fertility, and convenience of site, to no part of the United States, has proved, that Canada has resources within itself, stamina of sturdy prosperity, that need but the fostering aid of the mother country, and her parental protection, to establish an influence on the continent of North America, spreading even in time to the Pacific, and trading from the shores of that ocean with the rich regions of the East. That we may not again return into a course that has been productive of so much embarrassment, vexation, and injury to our interests; that we may not in future blindly commit ourselves by treaties, which may be the overflowing sources of contention; in short, that we may not evince hereafter a total ignorance either of the rights or of the boundaries of the two nations, the oversights in our former negociations will be pointed out, and an endeavour made to suggest remedies for such causes of dissention in future. In concluding a treaty of peace with the United States, not only ought the main feature of the war, the inviolate maintenance of our maritime rights, to be kept in view; but the scarcely less important object, the preservation of the British North American colonies, ought not to be overlooked. To secure this last it is requisite to advert to one grand point, the necessity of the establishment of a new line of boundary, between the British and the American possessions, and to several subordinate objects, which will be noticed in this tract. Posterity will scarcely believe, though history must attest the mortifying truth, that in acceding to the independence of the States of America, their territory was not merely allowed to them; but an extent of country, then a portion of the province of Quebec, nearly of equal magnitude to the thirteen provinces or states, which then composed the Union, was ceded to them, though not a foot of the country so ceded was, or could be, at the time, occupied by an American in arms and this cession is the more remarkable, as, New York and Rhode Island being then in possession of the British army, the surrender of these valuable posts seemed, on the contrary, to require a large equivalent elsewhere, instead of giving, as it were, a premium for getting rid of them. Yet such was the ignorance of the then minister of Great Britain, and those whom he employed, in regard to the geographical position and local importance of the territory ceded, that when the merchants of London, interested in the Canada trade, waited on Mr. Oswald, the negociator, to represent the impolitic and improvident cession of the upper country, and the posts commanding the same, viz. Michilimachinak, Detroit, Niagara, Presqu'isle, Scholosser, Oswego, and Oswegatchie, &c. and to endeavour to discover, whether some means could not be devised for averting the destructive consequences which might ensue to the inhabitants of Canada, and to the British trade and influence with the Indians, he literally burst into tears, and acknowledged his complete ignorance of such posts being in our possession, and of the country given away being an object in any respect worthy of notice. Unfortunately, it was too late to retrieve the error, and deeply did British interests and influence suffer in consequence. But its mischievous effects were not solely confined to British subjects: they fell also upon a body of men, whose interests the British negociator had no authority or right to compromise. The ceded country was inhabited by numerous tribes and nations of Indians, who were independent both of us and of the Americans. They were the real proprietors of the land, and we had no right to transfer to others what did not belong to ourselves. This injustice was greatly aggravated by the consideration, that those aboriginal nations had been our faithful allies during the whole of the contest, and yet no stipulation was made in their favor. Immediately after the treaty of 1785, the American government shamefully evaded or infringed the stipulations respecting the loyal |