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months denominated the arrogance of the royalists; but he will not certainly employ the real strength of his forces to interfere with the freedom of action of a sovereign, whom he has reinstated in possession of all his rights, or to compel him to part with any portion of them, to resign them to his subjects. And if the king of France were so disposed, the French royalists would oppose it; Europe would not tranquilly behold a French ministry acting in a mode which might afford confirmation to the fear of the revival of the project of revolutionists, to form a line of constitutional states from Lisbon to Edinburgh, in opposition to the alliance of absolute monarchies.
The courts of the north cannot but be attentive to the course Mr. de Villele has pursued since the recognition of St. Domingo; (in diametrical opposition to the principles of the Holy Alliance, which has for its object the security of governments ;) a recognition made exclusively through the influence of Paris gold, and poorly disguised under the appearance of commercial advantages, which will be revoked as soon as conceded, and by promises of payments which it will be hard to perform, and neither of which ought to have been weighed in the balance with the great and permanent interests of kingdoms and states. The apprehensions which this event must awaken in the northern powers, will contribute to support the independence of his Catholic Majesty against the views of a French minister, who, after having, in despite of him, consented to the war of Spain, seems desirous to neutralize the royalist party there, and to protect the sentiments of moderatism, approaching to liberalism; which he could not do with relation to France, without outraging the king, and coming to an open quarrel with the royalists; and without placing the Count de Villele in opposition to Mr. de Villele, chief of the royalist opposition in the chamber of deputies, even in 1821.
The powers not adjacent to Spain, have no other interest in her concerns, than that her sovereign should efface even the remembrance of two revolutions, and that his throne should be secure from the danger which their vestiges might again produce. They believe that kindness and forgiveness are the surest means of recalling the erring to their duty, and thereby restoring tranquillity and peace; and they have advised his Catholic Majesty to employ these aids. M. de Zea avowed at Paris, and on his arrival here, his intention to labour for the amalgamation of parties; and not being able to form a correct judgment either of the possibility or the difficulties of the enterprise, or if that minister united in himself the qualities necessary to attain that object, or a suflicient right to aspire so far to
the confidence of the nation, as to be able to persuade them to renounce those interests which their passions render so dear, these powers have testified their desire to see him maintaine himself in his place. But in these wishes, these desires of beholding the peace of his majesty secured, and that of all other sovereignties established with his own, there is no intention of interfering with the measures of his government, or of dictating to him in the choice of his ministers. France has more claims and rights than other powers; and would probably be entitled to oppose, with less ceremony, errors which might expose her to losing the object of her sacrifices, by prolonging political convulsions in Spain. But this right can not be asserted when the submission of the royalist volunteers to the pleasure of the king, notwithstanding the dislike of his ministry, takes away any pretext for such suspicion; and M. de Villele is neither so strong, nor so sure of retaining his place for six months, that it would not be imprudent to render the Spaniards discontented in order to please him. The three other powers do not even dream of exercising such a right; and to satisfy them as to the consequences of a change of ministry, it would be only necessary to explain to them the motives and necessity of such change, by a formal statement transmitted through the diplomatic agents of his Catholic Majesty ; and to accompany this measure, which prudence dictates, by an act which she would suggest even under other circumstances ; which may prove, that though the King of Spain dismisses a minister who perpetually commits outrages, to show his moderation, he is no less determined to listen only to clemency, and pardon error, as he has done ever since the just apprehensions excited by the events at Tarifa were dissipated, and as he did, three months before Mr. Zea possessed himself of authority in his councils.
The exceptions in the act of amnesty are, certainly, not too numerous. They do not embrace any party in general; but because they do not, and specify individuals, malice and opposition will persist in considering them only as the result of hatred, rather than of justice. If, then, exceptions are not too numerous, banishments, and the facilities of emigration, are so. They have no object, because the banished derive their conse, quence only from their banishment. They are impolitic, because they increase the number of the king's enemies, at the same time that they render the means of discovering them more difficult ; they materially injure the state in exiling a part of the population ; in depriving industry of a portion of its activity, and in removing many rich and substantial individuals.
These considerations, joined to those purely political, ought, it should seem, to induce the king, immediately after the change of ministry, to recall all the exiles, to set at large all the constitutionalists not liable to the regular execution of justice, and to publish a list of the names of those who will still be excepted from the act of amnesty. Such an act would shut the mouths of the dissatisfied, paralyse the efforts of those who wish to interfere with the affairs of Spain, while the king would, at the same time that he complied with the lively wishes of his people, and gave them a proof of his confidence in the royalists, bave no other result to fear than the censure which might be cast on an act of clemency.
The nation and the clergy having been satisfied as to the consequences of the proceedings of government, the latter would be called upon, not to make pecuniary sacrifices, which it is not necessary to exact, but to employ their influence in rendering that assistance to the state which circumstances now make them refuse; and the king would see an end of financial embarrassments, without asking the aid of the Jews.
CONNECTICUT. (From “ The Minute-men," an unpublished poem.) And still her gray rocks tower above the sea
That murmurs at their feet, a conquered wave; Tis a rough land of earth, and stone, and tree,
Where breathes no castled lord or cabined slave;
And friends will find a welcome, foes a grave ;
Theirs is a pure republic, wild, yet strong,
A “fierce democracie," where all are true To what themselves have voted-right or wrong
And to their laws denominated blue; (If red, they might to Draco's code belong;)
A vestal state, which power could not subdue, Nor promise winlike her own eagle's nest, Sacred--the San Marino of the west.
A justice of the peace, for the time being,
They bow to, hut may turn him out next year;
They reverence their priest, but disagreeing
In price or creed, dismiss him without fear; They have a natural talent for foreseeing
And knowing all things ;--and should Park appear From his long tour in Africa, to show The Niger's source, they'd meet him with-we know.
They love their land, because it is their own,
And scorn to give aught other reason why;
And think it kindness to his majesty;
Such are they nurtured, such they live and die :
Or wandering through the southern countries, teaching
The A. B. C. from Webster's spelling-book ; Gallant and godly, making love and preaching,
And gaining, by what they call “ hook and crook,”:
A decent living. The Virginians look
But these are but their outeasts. View them near
At home, where all their worth and pride is placed ; And there their hospitable fires burn clear,
And there the lowliest farm-house hearth is graced With manly hearts, in piety sincere,
Faithful in love, in honour stern and chaste, In friendship warm and true, in danger brave, Beloved in life, and sainted in the grave.
And minds have there been nurtured, whose control
Is felt even in their nation's destiny ;
And looked on armies with a leader's eye ;
Whose leaves contain their country's history, And tales of love and war-listen to one, of the Green-mountaineer--the Stark of Bennington.
When on that field his band the Hessians fought,
Briefly he spoke before the fight began
“Soldiers ! those German gentlemen are bought
For four pounds ten and seven-pence per man,
Are we worth more ? Let's prove it now we can-
Her's are not Tempe's nor Arcadia’s spring,
Nor the long summer of Cathayan vales,
Such wild enchantment o'er Boccaccio's tales
Of life's best angel, Health, is on her gales
Her twilight hills,--her cool and starry eves,
The rainbow beauty of her forest leaves, Come o'er the eye, in solitude and crowds,
Where'er his web of song her poet weaves ; And his mind's brightest vision but displays The autumn scenery of his boyhood's days.
And when you dream of woman, and her love,
Her truth, her tenderness, her gentle power;
The mother smiling in her infant's bower;
Be by come spirit of your dreaming hour
History of the Spanish Inquisition.-A work with this title has lately been published in this city. It is a translation from the French abridgment, by M. Gallois, of the larger work of Llorente. Llorente was a Spaniard of considerable literary and political note in bis native country, and had filled the place of secretary general of the inquisition, from 1789 to