France, was more useful to the administration than all the measures originated by themselves, relieving them completely from the ruin which impended over their military projects. There can hardly be any doubt that unless the war had been terminated by some means at this juncture, the allies must have been driven beyond the Rhine, and the banners of France would have floated over the gates of Amsterdam. The disparity between the duke of Cumberland and marshal Saxe was notorious to the whole of Europe. The duke failed every where -the marshal's progress was a series of brilliant triumphs. A vast army had been assembled in the Netherlands at the expense of England-its objects were indefinite—its motions irregular and destitute of practical results—many thousands of lives had been sacrificed-and nothing was gained. This calamitous display of a mass of inert strength, while it sullied the honour of England, reduced the whole of the Austrian Netherlands to a state of temporary subjection under the French troops, who, during the sitting of the congress, were in undisputed possession of the country, and had even penetrated beyond the boundaries of Flanders and Dutch Brabant. The terms of the settlement were favourable to the interests of all parties, the basis of the accommodation being a general and mutual restitution of conquests. England resigned Cape Breton to regain Madras, and France was satisfied with the cession of Parma to the Infanta Don Philip, who, in fact, was already in possession of that duchy. As to the right of search, which was the original cause of the war with Spain, it was suffered to drop silently into oblivion, and was never re-asserted. This peace was hailed in England with universal rejoicings, for the people were wearied with the expenses and disasters of those protracted hostilities. But the opponents of the government did not forget to remind them that the country had not secured a single acquisition by the whole war, even Porto Bello having been evacuated soon after it was taken. 1749. WEAKNESS OF THE OPPOSITION. 285 CHAP. XIII. 1749-1753. WEAKNESS OF THE OPPOSITION. INNOVATIONS IN THE MUTINY REGENCY BILL. - EDU- NATURALISATION BILL. GREGORIAN CALENDAR ADOPTED. — THE opposition, dismembered by the changes which 1749. drew its principal leaders into the administration, was no longer the formidable body that shook the senate with its eloquence in the days of Walpole. As a party it was disunited, and incapable of any great or combined operations. The prince of Wales, who had latterly been alienated more than ever from the court, was the only rallying point it possessed; but, split into factions by Dodington, lords Egmont, Middlesex, and others, its strength was wasted in diverging efforts, which only betrayed the animus of political hostility, and the feebleness of personal divisions. The debates in parliament consequently ceased to exhibit those mighty struggles of intellect by which former sessions were distinguished. The drama was not less exciting; but the actors were unequal to its demands.* The only question of importance that appears to have attracted attention in this session arose from some remarkable innovations introduced into the mutiny bill. The desire of the sovereign to preserve his power over the army, independently of all parliamentary interference, had long before called up the patriotic spirit of the commons; and all the members of the government who were then in opposition took prominent parts in the successive attempts that were made to diminish the royal prerogative. But the views of these statesmen had undergone a total revolution since their accession to office; and the men who were most clamorous, session after session, in support of such measures as the army pay and pensions' bills, now came forward with additional clauses to the mutiny bill, by which martial law was to be extended to all officers on half pay, and the influence of the crown increased in proportion. Mr. Pitt was the strenuous advocate of this measure, and carried it with a large majority. The reasons he assigned for supporting it are not a little curious. He said that "the existence of English liberty actually depended on the moderation of the sovereign and the virtue of the army: to that virtue we trust even at this hour, small as our army is to that virtue we must have trusted in whatever manner this bill had been modelled; and without this virtue, should the lords, commons, and the people of England entrench themselves behind parchment up to *It must be observed, however, that the debates at this period were very imperfectly reported. Dr. Johnson wrote the debates for the "Gentleman's Magazine" from November, 1740, to February, 1743. They were published some months after the close of each session. Sir John Hawkins throws considerable doubt upon their authenticity, but subsequent examination and comparison with other statements, diaries, and notes, confirm their substantial correctness. The style of composition is a different affair. Dr. Johnson made all the speakers utter the same pompous and grandlymoulded language, expanding the form of their sentiments if he did not alter them. From 1743 to 1766 no regular collection was published. Almon's "Continuation" then appeared, but it embraced only the commons, and was scanty and incomplete. The deficiency has been subsequently supplied, as well as it could be done at such a distance of time, by the editor of the " Parliamentary History." 1750. INCONSISTENCIES OF PITT. 287 the teeth, the sword will find a passage to the vitals of 66 It Of Pitt it must be observed that, with the most comprehensive powers, he frequently allowed himself to be placed in predicaments of this description. The passionate patriotism of his youth was too often exchanged, when he became a minister, for servility to the desires of the court. A remarkable instance occurred in the fol-1750. lowing year. A treaty was concluded with Spain, by which certain points left undecided by the treaty of Aixla-Chapelle were settled, and the commercial rights of England acknowledged and ratified. It was expected on this occasion that the right of search, so long insisted upon, and so grievously exercised by Spain, would be formally renounced, but no allusion whatever was made to it; and Pitt, who, in former years, had been amongst the foremost opponents of the Walpole administration, clamouring for a war, and demanding that the right of search should be explicitly given up, now came forward to justify the abandonment of that condition. He apologised for the change his opinions had undergone on the ground that experience had made him wiser. "I acknowledge," said he, "that I did contend strongly for the preliminary renunciation, because, at that time, being young and sanguine, I thought it right and reasonable. But I am now ten years older, have considered matters more coolly, and am convinced that the privilege of no search, with respect to British vessels sailing near the American shore, will never be obtained unless Spain shall be brought so low as to acquiesce in any terms which we, as victors, may propose." In contrast with this declaration may be cited his celebrated reply to Horace Walpole, when that veteran diplomatist reflected upon his youth nany years before. "Whether youth can be justly imputed to any man as a reproach, I shall not determine; but I will affirm that the wretch who, after having seen the consequences of repeated errors, continues still to blunder, and whose age has only added obstinacy to stupidity, deserves not that his grey hairs should secure him from insult; and much more is he to be abhorred, who, as he has advanced in age, has receded from virtue, and who deliberately devotes the remnant of his life to the ruin of his country." Yet we find him adopting, when age had matured his own judgment, the policy of that very "wretch" whose obstinate delinquency he thus violently denounced. The errors of such men as Pitt are useful in pointing the moral of party warfare. Mr. Pelham, in his capacity of chancellor of the exchequer, brought forward a grand measure of finance this session; which, although it met considerable resistance at first, was ultimately adopted, and attended by the most beneficial effects. The main object of this project was similar to that which had formerly been submitted to parliament by sir John Barnard, namely, the liquidation of all the redeemable annuities by an immediate payment of the principal; but it was accompanied by improvements which were not embraced in that scheme. The plan proposed was to give the shareholders the option of receiving the entire amount at par, or to consent to a reduction of the interest from four to three and a half per cent. for seven years, and then to remain fixed at three per cent. Such a proposa |