CHAP. XI. 1739-1741. OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. VIOLENT OPPOSITION TO THE CON VENTION WITH SPAIN. MINISTERS CARRY THE ADDRESS IN PARLIAMENT. SANDYS MOVES AN ADDRESS TO THE KING FOR THE REMOVAL OF WALPOLE. DEBATED AND NEGATIVED IN 1739. DURING these negotiations, the public mind was agitated by a variety of rumours, insidiously circulated by the war-party. The demands for redress became every day more exorbitant; and when the parliament assembled on the 1st of February the expectations of the people had attained a height which no reasonable concessions could satisfy. The king's speech, referring in general terms to the recent convention, was by no means calculated to appease the popular frenzy; and while the address passed without a division in the lords, where greater temperance prevailed, it was opposed with ridicule and contempt in the commons. But the majority was still with the minister, who struggled against the tide that was tumultuously rising out of doors; and before the convention 1739. DEBATE ON THE CONVENTION. 245 It came to be discussed in detail, succeeded in obtaining the requisite supplies for the service of the year. was agreed but not without angry debates and divisions, that 12,000 seamen and 18,000 land forces should be employed. The convention was first taken into consideration in the house of lords, where it met with a formidable resistance, headed by the prince of Wales; but was ultimately carried by a majority of 21, under a strong protest, signed by nine-and-thirty peers. On the 7th of March it was introduced into the commons; and such was the eagerness of members to secure places, that upwards of a hundred seats were occupied before eight o'clock in the morning. The first two days were engaged in hearing West India merchants in support of their petitions, and in the examination of witnesses; and on the third day Mr. Horace Walpole moved an address confirmatory of the convention. The debate that ensued was distinguished by consummate ability, energy, and zeal. It was contended, on the one side, that the convention achieved the three great points that ought to be demanded in such an instrument; that it preserved the honour of the nation, obtained satisfaction for past injuries, and guaranteed security against future grievances. On the other side, it was urged, that it left the real question untouched, allowing Spain openly to insist upon her right of search*, since it was merely the differences arising out of the exercise of that pretended right, and not the right itself, to which the convention was addressed; that the undoubted privileges of England and the insolent pretensions of Spain were alike referred to the mediation of plenipotentiaries, as if they rested upon the same basis of equality; that if the ministers had acted upon the resolutions of the preceding session they must have obtained a decisive settlement, but that this convention was nothing more * Walpole was so well aware of the pertinacity with which Spain asserted this right, that he considered it advisable to keep the word search altogether out of view in the resolutions he framed for the commons. than a preliminary to an injurious and disgraceful treaty; that it was an illusive and ignominious expedient, at once insecure and abject; and that the expense of the commission which would be necessary to carry it into effect would exceed the sum demanded from Spain as an indemnification for the losses of the British merchants.* The whole question was thoroughly sifted; and although the acrimony of the opposition derived increased bitterness from the feelings of almost universal irritation they represented, it must be allowed that they conducted the debate with candour, taking less advantage of the clamour out of doors than might have been expected. Walpole's speeches were comprehensive in the scope of their matter, but his reasoning was rather that of a man who was temporising to gain a purpose, than of one who confided in the integrity of his cause. It must, at the same time, be observed, that in the violent temper of the times he was not at liberty to employ all the arguments that might have been advanced on his side. The house was not in a disposition to hear them, and the country was too highly excited to endure them. The general cry was "No search!" and so completely had this watchword taken possession of the multitude, that if the minister had ventured to allude to the illicit proceedings of the British traders, which led to, and in some degree justified, the conduct of the Spanish guardships, he would have drawn down a tempest of national odium, the consequences of which must have been fatal not merely to the administration but to the tranquillity of the kingdom. Upon the division, the numbers were 260 for the address 232 against it. The smallness of the majority in so numerous a house gave fresh confidence to the opposition; and the next day, when the report of the This charge was, unfortunately, too well founded. In the beginning of the ne otiations with the Spanish ministers, the sum stipulated for the indemnification of the British merchants was 140,000Z.; but being objected to by the Spanish government, it was reduced in the settlement of the convention to 95,000l., and even that was subject to the deduction of the 8,000. demanded on account of the South-Sea company. 1739. SECESSION OF WYNDHAM. 247 resolution in committee was read, Pulteney proposed its recommitment, and was seconded by Wyndham. But this motion failed also, ministers obtaining a majority of 30. This defeat was regarded by the principal members of opposition as a conclusive proof of the corrupt influence of the ministers; and a great part of the minority now resolved to carry into execution a project which seemed to have been formed during the progress of these discussions. This project was to secede from parliament, on the ground that they could no longer be of any service to their country in an assembly so servile and degenerate. The merit of having devised this extraordinary line of proceeding has been attributed to Bolingbroke; but to Sir William Wyndham-a man of lofty talents and inflexible resolution belongs the distinction of having taken the lead in its execution. His speech on that occasion was in many points of view a very remarkable effusion. "I have seen," he said, "with the utmost concern, this shameful, this fatal measure, approved of by a majority of but 28, and I now rise to pay my last duty to my country, as a member of this house. I was in hopes that the many unanswerable arguments urged in the debate against the convention might have prevailed upon gentlemen to have for once listened to the dictates of reason; for once to have distinguished themselves from being a faction against the liberties and properties of their fellow-subjects. I was the more in hopes of this, since in all the companies I have been in from the time this convention has been spoken of, I have not found one single person without doors pretend to justify it. Is it not strange, that the eloquence of one man should have so great an effect within these walls, and the unanimous voice of a brave suffering people without should have so little? I am surprised that I should be so blind as not to discern one argument that has the least appearance of reason, among all that has been offered, for our agreeing to this address. This must pro ceed either from the majority of this house being determined by arguments that we have not heard, or from my wanting common sense to comprehend the force of those we have heard. In the first case, I think I cannot, with honour, sit in an assembly which is determined by motives which I am not at liberty to mention; and if the last is the case, I look upon myself as a very unfit person to serve as a senator. I here, sir, bid a final adieu to this house. Perhaps when another parliament shall succeed, I may be again at liberty to serve my country in the same capacity. I therefore appeal, sir, to a future, free, uninfluenced house of commons. Let it be the judge of my conduct and that of my friends upon this occasion. Meantime, I shall conclude with doing that duty to my country I am still at liberty to perform, which is to pray for its preservation. "May, therefore, that Power, which has so often, and so visibly interposed, in behalf of the rights and liberties of this nation, continue its care over us at this worst and most dangerous juncture, whilst the insolence of enemies without, and the influence of corruption within, threaten the ruin of her constitution!" The impassioned way in which Wyndham delivered this speech was no less striking than the matter was unexpected. The minority maintained a deep silence; and the ministerial majority filled with indignation at the language in which they had been described, were divided between astonishment and rage. Pelham rose impetuously, and was about to move for the commitment of Wyndham to the Tower, but was restrained by Walpole, who, well aware of the disorders such a precipitate measure would produce in the country, spoke to the following effect: "Sir, the measures which the gentleman who spoke last and his friends may pursue give me no uneasiness. The friends of the nation and the house are obliged to them for pulling off the mask, by making this public declaration. We can be upon our guard against open rebellion, but it is difficult to guard against secret traitors. The faction I speak of never |