tiation between Her Britannic Majesty's Government and this Republic, has been so far consummated as to only require now a formal ratification by the Senate, &c. It is a very liberal postal arrangement with us, and should be regarded as another evidence of the kind and generous feelings of Her Britannic Majesty's Government towards us. G. Ralston, Esq. our Consul-General at London, who was duly empowered to act in the premises on behalf of this Government, transmitted a copy of the Treaty early this year; and as it stipulated to go into operation on the 1st of April last, and it was deemed imprudent to incur the expense of convening the Senate for the special purpose of its ratification, and as nothing was to be lost, but much gained, I allowed it to go into operation with the assurance to Her Majesty's Government, that its stipulations would be strictly binding on this Government until its formal ratification by the Senate at this session.

I have also to state that the Treaty of which I gave intimation at your last session, that was being negotiated between this and His Belgian Majesty's Government, was respectively signed in this city last March, by Louis Bols, Esq., on the part of the Belgian Government, and the Secretary of State on the part of this Government; both this and the Postal Convention will, at a very early day, be submitted to the Senate for ratification.

The gradual yet certain increase in the acquisition by our citizens of vessels of sufficient capacity, and their actual commencement to ply commercially between this and foreign civilized countries, will bring us to realize, at an earlier day than was generally supposed, some of the great advantages that should and will accrue to us from our Treaties of Reciprocity. It is my opinion, that 6 years will not have elapsed before many coloured gentlemen of capital and business tact, now residing in foreign lands, will not only turn their attention towards Liberia, but will become actually identified with her interest; and will be aroused to such action as will secure to them, by a commerce carried on in their own vessels plying between this Republic and foreign lands, a good share of the profits of the coast trade. And why should they not, as Liberians, or as the founders of new settlements on this continent, be numbered among the chief beneficiaries of the coast trade? And I further venture to express it as my firm belief, that if no untoward circumstance shall arise, it will be as common a thing before the expiration of the next ten years, to ship cotton, coffee, sugar, syrup and other commodities of this country, in Liberian bottoms, to foreign countries, as it is now for palm oil and camwood to be shipped in foreign bottoms. I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion, that this Government, in its commercial relations, should entertain

and exercise as enlarged and liberal views, as circumstances will possibly justify.

I

Pursuant to a resolution of the Legislature at the last session, which was based upon information afforded in my last message, succeeded after some difficulty, in dispatching the schooner Lark from this port on the 5th of June, to England for repairs, under the promise so generously made by Her Majesty's Government. She arrived at Plymouth on the 20th of July, and was condemned and pronounced unworthy of repairs late in August. I am happy in being able to inform you, that by advices received by the last mail from our Consul General at London, I am informed that Her Majesty's Government has been graciously pleased to present us a substitute (the Quail) of little larger capacity than the Lark; and it is intimated that her armament as well as her general arrangement will be superior in their adaptation for a costa guarda to those possessed by the Lark. I anticipate her arrival before your adjournment, when I will be pleased to communicate with you further on the subject.

There are several matters affecting our interests both in Europe and in The United States, of which I could afford you some cheering intelligence; but prudence dictates that I forbear until they progress further. I may however, have occasion to communicate with you on some of those subjects ere the close of your session.

I have the painful duty to perform of making allusion to the great loss our country has sustained this year in the decease of some of its prominent and useful citizens, among whom was Colonel J. B. McGill, for many years an able and faithful Senator, and who, as a Christian statesman, possessed the confidence and respect of all who knew him; also Colonel Dickerson, of Sinoe County, a man of sound judgment and of sterling character: these with others whom, according to human views, we could but illy spare, have been taken from us by the ruthless hand of death. These dispensations should properly impress and influence us during future life.

I close this communication, Gentlemen, after assuring you that you shall have my cordial co-operation, so far as may be required, in the discharge of the duties of your session; which I hope will be performed to the satisfaction of your constituents, as well as in accordance with your own fervent desire.

STEPHEN ALLEN BENSON.

CORRESPONDENCE between Great Britain, France, Austria, &c. respecting the Affairs of Italy. [From the Signature of the Preliminaries of Villafranca to the Postponement of the Congress.]-1859, 1860.*

(Extract.)

No. 1.-Lord J. Russell to Earl Cowley.

Foreign Office, July 13, 1859. I HAVE to instruct your Excellency to ask Count Walewski the following questions:

1st. What arrangements are concluded by the Preliminaries, and what arrangements remain to be still considered?

2ndly. What means are in contemplation for carrying the proposed arrangements into effect?

If a Congress should be proposed, the course of Her Majesty's Government will be very much guided by the answers to the questions I have named. In the meantime we have no propositions to make.

Earl Cowley.

J. RUSSELL.

No. 2.-Earl Cowley to Lord J. Russell.-(Received July 14.) (Extract.) Paris, July 13, 1859. COUNT WALEWSKI has received the document signed at Villafranca on the night of the 11th instant.

The Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria are agreed as follows:

The two Emperors engage to use all their efforts to establish an Italian Confederation, under the honorary presidence of the Pope.

The Emperor of Austria cedes all his rights in Lombardy, with the exception of the fortresses, to the Emperor of the French, who passes them to the King of Sardinia. (The Mincio, therefore, will be the line of demarcation.)

The Emperor of Austria retains Venetia, which will become an integral part of the Italian Confederation.

Tuscany and Modena to be restored to their rightful Sovereigns, with a general amnesty.

The two Sovereigns engage to use all their influence with the Pope to obtain a large measure of reform.

A general amnesty.

Count Walewski did not read the document to me, but the above is the substance of its contents, as stated to me by his Excellency.

He observed that this was a mere act of agreement between two Sovereigns, and that Austria had at once asked for its conversion * Laid before Parliament, 1860.

into a Treaty, and had proposed that Plenipotentiaries should meet for the purpose at some town in Switzerland.

I asked Count Walewski whether any resolution had been taken with regard to Parma. He replied, that he had just received a telegram from the Emperor, stating that the disposal of Parma was left for the decision of a Congress; but that His Majesty's impression agreed with that of Count Walewski, that the Duchy must be restored to its rightful Sovereign.

I inquired whether his Excellency entertained hopes of introducing any real ameliorations into the Papal Government. He answered that he had satisfactory accounts from Rome, that the Pope had spontaneously announced his readiness to follow the advice which might be tendered to him by France; that his Excellency had, in consequence, instructed M. de Grammont to tell His Holiness that the Emperor, although determined to show every respect to the head of the Church, expected serious ameliorations, which would certainly comprise Lay Governments in the Legations and the Marches. The French Ambassador was further directed to e ndeavour to persuade the Pope to take the initiative in granting hose reforms which had become indispensable.

Count Walewski then reverted to the question of a Congress. He said that it was absolutely necessary that whenever a Treaty embodying the bases stated above should have been signed between France and Austria, it should become matter of internatioual agreement.

I asked him how he proposed to arrive at a Congress, if Austria absolutely refused to take a part in it. His Excellency seemed to think that the objections of Austria were confined to making the bases of arrangement the subject of discussion by a Congress, but that they did not extend to a Congress hereafter, when her understanding with France should have assumed the form of a Treaty. He should, however, be able to speak with greater certainty on this point after he should have seen the Emperor.

His Majesty is expected in Paris on Saturday or Sunday. He slept last night at Desenzano. He will be to-night at Milan, and on Friday at Turin.

Lord J. Russell.

COWLEY.

No. 3.-Earl Cowley to Lord J. Russell.-(Received July 16.) MY LORD,

Paris, July 15, 1859. IN compliance with the instructions contained in your Lordship's despatch of the 13th instant, I have inquired of Count Walewski:

1st. What arrangements are concluded by the Preliminaries of

Peace signed at Villafranca, and what arrangements remain to be still concluded.

2ndly. What means are in contemplation for carrying the proposed arrangements into effect.

I likewise informed Count Walewski that, should a Congress be proposed, the course of Her Majesty's Government will be very much guided by the answers he might make to these questions.

Count Walewski replied, that I knew as much as he did himself about the Preliminaries. There was nothing more in them than he had stated to me. I can, therefore, only refer your Lordship to my despatch of the 13th instant.

As to the means for carrying the proposed arrangements into effect, Count Walewski observed that all these details had been left for future consideration, and that he did not see how it would be possible to settle them without having recourse to a Congress or Conference.

He had been pressed, his Excellency said, by the Russian Government to propose the immediate assembling of a Congress, but he had some difficulty in doing so, because there could be no doubt that the Emperor of Austria had signed the Preliminaries of Peace with the understanding that the Emperor of the French had abandoned the proposal of a Congress; and were the French Government to propose one now, it might have the appearance of an act of bad faith. Still he hoped that the Austrian objections to a Congress would disappear with the signature of a Treaty of Peace, and that Austria would then no longer refuse to ask Europe to sanction the engagements which that Treaty would contain.

Another point to be considered was, that as yet there had been no mention of a Treaty of Peace between Austria and Sardinia.

Upon my pressing Count Walewski further as to the matter to be submitted to a Congress or Conference, he said that the future Italian Confederation, or at all events the bases for it, ought to emanate from thence.

I could not obtain any further elucidation of Count Walewski's views with reference to your Lordship's questions than what I have stated above. Perhaps on the Emperor's return, I shall be in a position to give your Lordship some more positive information.

I thought it as well to observe to Count Walewski that, although Her Majesty's Government would be desirous of meeting the wishes of the French Government, yet that I doubted the possibility of their entering into a Congress without some positive certainty of obtaining substantial reforms in the Governments of Central and Southern Italy. I have, &c.

Lord J. Russell.

COWLEY.