Advocate of Peace

For one new subscriber to the Advocate of Peace, with the pay in advance, we will send one of our beautiful 8x10 Peace Photographs, price 25 cts. cach "The Morning Before the Battle," "The Evening after the Battle," "Peace,' War,' or the likeness of Rev. Dr. Beckwith, who was for 33 years Secretary of the American Peace Society.

For two new subscribers, we will send a volume of 167 pages, 18 mo. cloth, entitled "A Kiss for a Blow," price 60 cents; containing 52 very interesting stories for children, designed to inculcate kindness and peace. Children can thus, with a little prompting or help from their parents, obtain this book for themselves.

For three new subscribers, we will send a book by Lindley Murray, the grammarian, entitled, "The Power of Religion," price $1.00. It is an octavo volume of 370 pages, cloth, and contains brief notices of 81 eminent persons, exhibiting especially their religious characters, and the power of religion to sustain them in trials, suffering and death.

We will also send any of the foregoing or following by mail, postage paid, on receipt of the price.

*1.50

1.00

Prize Essay on a Congress of Nations, 706 pages, $2.50
Book of Peace, 12 mo. 666 pages, cloth,
Review of the Mexican War, 12 mo. 310 cloth,
Sumner on Peace and War, 12 mo. 310 p. cloth,
Sumner on Peace, 12 mo. 136 p. cloth, 60c., paper,
Sumner on War, 12 mo. 109 p. cloth, 50c., paper,
The True Grandeur of Nations, 136 pages, paper,
The War System of Nations. 109 pages paper,

The Duel between France and Germany. 74 pages, paper, 25 Dymond on War, octavo, 124 p. cloth,

Peace Manual, 18 mo. 252 p. cloth,

Right Way, 18 mo. 303 cloth,

Congress of Nations, 12 mo. 124 p. cloth, 50c.,
Dymond on War, abridged, 12 mo. 48 p. paper,
Peace Principles Safe and Right, 12 mo. 268 p. cloth,

paper,

Peace Principles Safe, 12 mo. 160 p. paper, Hancock on Peace, 12 mo. 108 p. paper,

Ethics and Evils of War, 12 mo. 242 p. cloth,

Packages of Illustrated Children's Tracts, 15 cts. a package. 90 octavo Tracts of from 2 to 24 pages each, on nearly all the aspects of Peace and War, at the rate of 10 pages for 1c., or free for distribution to those not disposed to pay for them.

Peace Envelopes,-25 for 15c. or 100 for 50c.
Peace Photographs on card board, 8 x 10, Morning before the
Battle, Evening after the Battle, Peace, War, Likenesses,
etc., each 25 cents.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE, 16 pages, monthly,

1.00

Any of the foregoing publications will be sent by Express at a discount of one-third, where more than $5 worth are taken for libraries or for re-sale.

THE CAUSE OF PEACE, which is as old as the Christian religion and which has existed in an organized form since 1815, is exciting new interest both in Europe and America. Meetings in favor of international peace are being held in various places, and the conviction is becoming strong that there are better methods of settling difficulties than by a resort to arms. The American Peace Society, with head quarters at No. 36 Bromfield St., Boston, and 45 Madison St., Chicago, has been unusually active of late, and has extended its operations much more widely than ever before. It wishes to do so still farther and to this end, desires to employ Agents and Colporters, both travelling and local. The Society is entirely loyal to the government, but believes that it is much better to prevent rebellions and wars than to suffer their terrible consequences.

BETTER THAN A SAVINGS BANK.

The consecration of the Christian to the service of his Master will, if complete, include his property as well as his time, his talents and his influence. He will feel that he is only a steward of God's bounty, and that he is under obligation to use that bounty for the benefit of his fellow men. Thousands realize this obligation, and contribute liberally to promote the benevolent enterprises of the age. Many would regard it a privilege to give not only the whole of their income above their present necessities, but the accumulations of past years, and would do so but from fear that the vicissitudes of fortune, or the infirmities of declining years, may render these accumulations necessary for their future support. Hence, as they do not like to place their property entirely beyond their reach, they retain it in their hands, with the trouble and expense of its management; and finally, being called suddenly away, with no time to make their wills, it is left to those who may have no need of it, and thus their benevolent wishes are defeated.

But we have a plan to suggest which will enable such persons to do good with their money at once, and at the same time provide equally well, if not better, for their future needs. The plan is to deposit such sums as they can spare from time to time with the AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, and receive its obligation to pay the interest on the same annually in the publications of the Society, and the principal in money, at such times as it may be called for during the lifetime of the depositors, or, if not called for then, to be a donation to the Society at their decease. Thus these sums will all be within their reach at any time, if needed, and if never needed by them, would be made sure to a cause of vast importance to the world.

This plan was not of our own seeking, but was first urged upon us by our friends. It began with one in Pennsylvania, who sent us One Thousand Dollars, on the condition that we should allow him five per cent. interest during his life. We gave the obligation desired; but to the day of his death, he sent us every six months his receipt for the interest as a donation to the cause. Another friend, much younger, has at different times already deposited Seven Hundred Dollars on the condition stated in the preceding paragraph, expecting never to call for anything except the interest, but having the right to require the principal at any time, if he wishes.

Now, are there not thousands more who will loan to the Society such sums as they can spare, on these terms, instead of making additional investments, which may result in their own disadvantage, and that of those who would inherit them? Such help will be very opportune now when the Society is making special efforts to extend its operations, and the publications to be furnished as interest, and which can be sold or given away, will exert a powerful influence for good hereafter. We think such deposits will be quite safe, as the Society, with a liberal charter from the State of Massachusetts, already has permanent funds more than sufficient to cover all deposits that it will ever consent to receive on the conditions proposed.

In some cases we shall be willing to pay the annual interest in money instead of publications.

Those who wish to lay up their money where they can have it whenever they want it, and where it will do good if they do not want it, can address the Secretaries of the Society at either of its offices.

THE FOLLOWING IS THE PROPER FORM OF BEQUEST TO THE CAUSE OF PEACE.-I give and bequeath to the American Peace Society, incorporated by the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1848, the sum of dollars, for the purposes of said Society, and for which the receipt of its Treasurer for the time being shall be a sufficient discharge.

ON EARTH PEACE....NATION SHALL NOT LIFT UP SWORD AGAINST NATION, NEITHER SHALL THEY LEARN WAR ANY MORE.

OUR LOCATION AND OFFICE.

The office of the American Peace Society was for some years with the Congregational Library on Winter St., Boston. But as those who had charge of the library needed the room which we occupied, and we needed better accommodations, it was removed in July last to the new building owned by the Wesleyan Association on Bromfield Street.

We present herewith a very good wood cut of the exterior of this building, though too small to do it justice. It was completed last summer at an expense including the ground on which it stands, of $ 300,000 about one-half of which was for the building. It has a front of 74 feet extending back 120 feet, with brick and granite walls and is five stories high. The first story embraces three spacious stores which rent for about $4,500 apiece. The eastern and western ones are occupied by Nichols & Hall, and by J. P. Magee, for books, &c., and the one between them by Bryant & Co., for Photographic goods and picture frames.

The second and third stories are used for offices, &c. The offices of Zion's Herald, The Western World and the Nursery, as well as that of the Advocate of Peace are here. The two upper stories are occupied for the present by the Boston Theological Seminary, and when once reached answer their purposes very well.

Our own office is in the third story and costs us for rent $250 per annum. It is warmed by steam and although not large, affords room for several busy workers when circumstances require their employment. The Advocate though printed elsewhere is mailed here and with an amount of labor, not easily appreciated by one not acquainted with the business.

On one side of the room a row of shelves contain our bound volumes, while our tracts, pamphlets, papers and other unbound publications are on the opposite side. In this office are not only books for sale but valuable ones for reference, including the periodicals of the Society and its predecessors from 1816 to the present time; also, those of the London Peace Society.

No. 26

Our walls are adorned with the likenesses of several prominent friends of peace, both dead and living. Among them are those of Noah Worcester the pioneer, Wm. Ladd the founder, and Geo. C. Beckwith, the preserver of the American Peace Society. Here also, we have the likeness of Hon. Wm. Jay, a former President of the Society, of Rev. Howard Malcom, D.D. the present one, and of Hon. Charles Sumner, one of the Vice Presidents. We are indebted for several of these and the frames in which they are placed, to Mrs. M. W. Beckwith, the widow of the late Corresponding Secretary, whose interest in the Cause of Peace, arises not only from her husband's long connection with it, but from an intelligent appreciation of its importance. Our office is becoming quite a resort for the friends of peace; and we invite all interested in it to give us a call when they visit the city.

The French and German sections in New York of the International Workingmen's Associations, have issued an address to their brethren in Europe from which we extract the following closing sentences:

"The workingmen of France belong to the Association of workingmen of all countries. Their ideas and aspirations are ours. Our sympathies are with them. Since the capitulation of Sedan, the war is waged against those ideas, and King William takes the place of Louis Napoleon in opposition to them, and in the oppression of workingmen. His costly and bloody efforts to transform France into a catacomb, her cities into heaps of ashes, demonstrate how strictly he performs the duties of his new office. And, ye workingmen of all countries, raise your voices in thundering tones against this wickedest of all wars, commanding halt to this slaughter of men. Halt, we say, and repeat saying if the heads of all chief commanders and princes should tumble down. The workingmen of all countries and continents have but one motto, one battle-cry: Death to Slavery, Death to Militarism!"

THE DUEL BETWEEN FRANCE AND GERMANY. A new edition of the address of the Hon. Charles Sumner, with the above title, a large octavo pamphlet of 74 pages, may be had of the American Peace Society for 25 cents a copy. Thousands have paid 50 cents each for the privilege of listening to this address and considered it a good investment. Those who did not enjoy this privilege can have the gratification of its perusal at their homes by addressing Rev. Howard C. Dunham, at 36 Bromfield Street, Boston.

THE PLAN FOR PERMANENT PEACE-DIS

ARMAMENT.

BY WM. G. HUBBARD.

The present war in Europe is only a natural and logical result of the vast military preparations which the great powers have been maintaining for the past few years. Six or seven hundred thousand troops in France, or five millions in all, on the continent, can not long be maintained in idleness; they will fight. Lying in camp is a dull business. If they can not engage in war abroad, they will fight at home. Cultivate the war spirit, and it will have vent. As well think of building a strong fire under a boiler when the escapes are closed, without danger, as to think of maintaining five millions of men in Europe's armies without war. Our own Sumner wisely said, in one of his great speeches: Standing armies only draw the lightning of battle to our homes."

The history of the world shows that those nations best prepared for war oftenest engage in it. Standing armies are really not the guarantee of liberty and national perpetuity that people suppose. "How often have the streets of Rome flowed with blood since the day when Romulus laid its foundation in the blood of his brother Remus." Great Britain has been at war nearly half the time since the beginning of her history, and has drunk the bitter cup of subjugation four times; has slaughtered millions, and has lost millions of her subjects.

France and England have been at war with each other two hundred and sixty-six years since the eleventh century. The nations that have passed away have perished by the sword, They that take the sword, perish with the sword." If this was a Divine utterance when spoken, it is a historic fact now; for war has been the destroyer of governments, as well as the destroyer of men. Standing armies," says an able writer, "have created ten wars where they have prevented one." But it must always be thus, so long as we have standing armies. Even Louis Napoleon has been aware of this truth. For it will be remembered that in 1863, when he had about seven hundred thousand men in his army, he made a proposition to the great powers of Europe for mutual disarmament.

King William, of Prussia, said: "With all my heart." The Pope said the thing pleased him, and the Czar of Russia indorsed the plan; but England, be it said to her shame, rejected it. Thus, by England, the plan was defeated. So the French soldiers were not sent home to seven hundred thousand families, to make glad the hearts of fair ones and loved ones, who waited anxiously their return. They were not put to building railroads and bridges, and public improvements generally. They were not returned to business and agricul ture, which would have soon made France the wealthiest, happiest, and most prosperous country in Europe. Louis Napoleon was denied this plan of establishing himself in the hearts of his people forever. So the army was maintained, the navy was increased, the fortifications were strengthened, and, of course, the military spirit increased: Finally, the throne of Napoleon was not safe unless the attention of the vast army was diverted, and the wretched man, finding no reasonable excuse for war, manufactured a pretext, and once more the blood of Europe flows like water.

This, we assert again, is only the natural result of the system of tremendous armies which Europe has maintained.

The remedy is to be found in mutual disarmament.

And now it will be found that disarmament suggests the necessity of some other guardian of the interests of nations. 'This may be easily found. Let the nations agree upon a High Court, or Congress, or International Tribunal, where all will be represented by their best and purest minds. Let this assembly of the nations agree upon a definite system of laws, and submit the same to their several nations respectively for their adoption. And when adopted by the several nations, it will be binding upon all the nations who thus enter the compact.

But what will enforce the decisions of such a tribunal? Public opinion. That same public opinion which creates the court, will enforce its decisions. Public opinion is mistress of the world. At its behests thrones are overturned, monarchs are decapitated, armies are sent out to the work of destruction, the land is drenched with blood, revolutions are wrought, and new empires formed. But at its behests, also, law is enforced, order is maintained, and governments perpetuated.

What law can be enforced which public opinion rejects? How many statutes remain a dead letter, because public opinion does not execute them? What army or General can long withstand a strong tide of public opinion? Cæsar is murdered, Napoleon is banished, Queen Mary beheaded, by an adverse tide of public sentiment. "Public opinion is mightier than monarchs or warriors." Who will doubt, then, that such an enlightened sentiment as will create this tribunal, will also enforce its decisions?

Let this Court of Judicature be formed with a view of mutual proportionate disarmament. With this substitute of mind instead of muscles, as the arbiter of justice, nations might safely reduce their military systems one-half or three-fourths. And if only this was gained, it would save in money to the United States, annually, one hundred millions; and to Great Britain a hundred and fifty millions; to France two hundred millions; to Prussia two hundred millions; and to Russia three hundred millions. It will save to Europe alone more than a thousand millions annually. How greatly would this reduce the heavy burdens of taxation, and open rich channels of national improvement! If this plan was agreed to by a few of the leading powers, could others withstand the tide of public opinion that it would create? Would the subjects of one nation consent to be heavily taxed and corrupted by armies, if all their neighbors were without armies, giving their young men to marriage and the influences of home, and the productive pursuits of peace? No ruler in this age of reading and travel, could long keep peace with his subjects, without joining the brotherhood of nations.

But could the interests of kingdoms and republics be harmonized in such an assembly? No question of national character should be brought before it. It should deliberate only on questions of an international nature. This might be done without interfering with the forms of government of the various nations connected. There are no other objections to the plan, that are of sufficient importance to mention in this connection.

Here, in a nutshell, is the germ, at least, of a permanent remedy for that evil which is said to have " occasioned half man's woes, and cost half his energies."

Oh! in the name of humanity, if not in the name of religion and truth, let us put forth a hand to stay the fell destroyer. As the smoke of battle again grows thin and clears away, let the press publish, and the telegraph carry, this thought to the millions of christendom, and let there be a great universal cry, such as has never been heard before, for general disarmament. The evils of war are ubiquitous. Then, from the soldier on the Rhine, who has lain all night upon the field, with broken bones undressed, to the weeping widow and unfed children at home; from the rulers of other lands, which have lost millions in the depreciation of bonds and stocks, to the toiling poor, who have been robbed of half their rations by the war prices; let every sufferer-and who has not suffered?-with a loud, long, united, emphatic cry, say, Disarm! Disarm!! Disarm!!!

A NEW PEACE MOVEMENT. Mrs. Julia Ward Howe has engaged in war in the interest of peace. She began the battle in New York, and renewed it in Tremont Temple, Boston. Her address was full of force and discrimination. She conceded the possibility of war under certain circumstances, but declared, and justly, that most wars were flagrant violations of all right. She claimed that women should vote because they would not fight, a rightful turning of the tables on those who object to their voting because they cannot fight. She demanded that the bleeding hearts should vote, as the bloody hands had long voted. She put the need of an international court strongly. There is no other cure for war. Were there not courts, there would be ceaseless duels, feuds, private wars. The United States would be constantly fighting each other, but for its Supreme Court. So should there be a supreme court of the nations, in which the United States should be a member, and every other nation in the world, and in which individuals, as well as nations, might sue and be sued. A Woman's Peace Congress is to be held to promote this movement. The American Peace Society is at last bringing forth much fruit. — Zion's Herald.

[Abridged from the Christian Advocate.]

A GREAT QUESTION.

BY REV. ABEL STEVENS, D. D.

"There is a revival of the old Peace Society's project for the abolition of war. Both in England and this country recent movements show that the experiment is far from being abandoned.

"The peace' men of England have lately held meetings and made declarations about the present war.

"In this country some of our best pens have treated of the war from the peace doctrine' stand-point, notably that of Mrs. L. M. Child. The Boston poetess, Julia Ward Howe, has been energetic in organizing a movement of American and English women for a reform of international law in favor of peace, assuming that the recent horrors of war, both in this country and Continental Europe, have prepared the mind of the world for an advance which has heretofore seemed impracticable. Mr. Bryant and other good authorities lend their names to her programme, and it unquestionably presents some plausible and imposing features. It is a legitimate undertaking for the wives and mothers of Christendom, who are the chief sufferers by its disastrous quarrels. The scheme proposes to create a public sentiment on the subject, and surely woman's power ought to be the most effectual means for such a change.

"Perhaps, the present moment is more auspicious than any antecedent one since that immediately following the fall of the great Napoleon for the success of an energetic movement of the kind. Austria, Prussia and France, have, within a very few years past, had sad experiences of war. The households of nearly half the continent of Europe, and more than half the continent of North America, mourn to-day in deepest desolation.

“It is gratifying to the friends of peace to find that just at this moment so high an authority as David Dudley Field, of New York, has dared to speak emphatically in favor of such a reform. The daily press reports his elaborate address before the New York Association for the Advancement of Art and Science.' His theme was the Probable changes of international law consequent upon the Franco-Prussian war.' His speech is a remarkably able argument, and relates throughout, directly or indirectly, to what may be called the Peace Question.'

He advocated a confederative judiciary for the maintenance of peace, and proposed that our own country should seek the honor of the initiation of a measure which would thus constitute an epoch in the history of civilization. Mr. Field showed that his plan was exemplified on this continent by the old Articles of Confederation which provided for the settlement of interstate disputes a function which ten years afterward was vested in the Supreme Court, where it has ever since been beneficently exercised, in some instances determining even questions of boundary between States. Our confederation of States has, he contends, enabled us to exemplify a policy which satisfactorily solves the problem of an international court or congress for all Christendom, and could be applied in a modified form, to questions usually leading to war. Theoretically the proposition seems exceedingly simple and practicable; in one form or another it has long been advocated by the friends of peace. Senator Sumner once discussed it fully and eloquently before the American Peace Society. It is one of those ideas which the higher sentiments, if not instincts, of humanity suggest in long but persistent anticipation of their realization. The passions of nations are, however, so inappeasable, the 'point of honor,' is yet so fastidious and unchristian in national matters, that few thinkers have dared to hope for any such great reform in international policy, and peace theories and peace societies are heedlessly rejected as sentimental impossi bilities by men who acknowledge that, theoretically, they seem to be among the most feasible of international experiments. It may, however, be well, at this juncture in the military history of Christendom, to challenge emphatically this skeptical temper, and to ask if our skepticism is not itself the chief obstruction to the proposed, the sublime reform.

"And this would seem to be precisely the opportune time for such an inquiry. The whole civilized world is stunned by the immeasurable disasters ot late wars. The Crimean, the

Austro-Italian, the Russo-Austrian, the Franco-Prussian, and the American civil wars, not to speak of the never ending contests of Central and South America, have drenched Christendom in blood within the present generation.

"Our own terrible struggle in the rebellion has taught us this lesson in a manner never to be forgotten. Commissioner Wells's estimates of the financial waste of that war give the aggregate figures at very nearly nine thousand two hundred and eight million dollars, besides the loss of about six hundred thousand lives of our most vigorous and capable young men!

"The losses by the wars of Europe, from the Crimean to the present Prusso-French contest, would be equally appalling. "Now these are facts-stern facts, put again and again into precise mathematical form, and put beyond dispute. Is it possible that Christendom can deliberately confront them without being astounded at its military folly and guilt? without seeing that its most urgent, most immediate problem is a better method for the adjudication of its international questions? Can publicists, divines, philosophers, statesmen, philanthropists, shake their heads and pass them by, leaving the stupendous interests involved to the chance inquiries or expedients of the uncertain future? Is there a more imperative duty now before the enlightened world than the discussions and determination of some remedy for this immeasurable folly? Is not the hopelessness with which the subject is usually dismissed, unfounded, and is not that hopelessness the chief obstacle in its way?"

RESULTS TO BE ANTICIPATED FROM
THE WAR IN EUROPE.

BY HON. AMASA WALKER.

It is quite safe to predict that the war now raging between France and Prussia will have a most powerful influence in bringing about universal disarmament. There are many reasons for this. The conflict was so entirely unprovoked by Prussia, was commenced by Bonaparte upon so miserable a pretext, was so clearly dynastic, waged wholly upon the balance-of-power principle, and so palpably the result of the present war-system of constant military preparation, that the people of both the countries involved in the struggle cannot fail to see that the only remedy for such enormous evils, the only security for the peace of nations must be a general, simultaneous abandonment of that terrible system by which such wars are made, not only possible, but certain.

A recent letter in "The Nation," from a French correspondent gives most encouraging assurance that the right sentiments upon this subject are beginning to find expression in France, where of all other countries they are most to be desired. The letter referred to says, "There is a moral conviction of the horror and unrighteousness of all war. This latter feeling seems to me to be spreading into a universal creed, and to arise from the very steam of the battle-fields and out of the very excesses of war itself. Every day the war endures I mark this feeling growing stronger, and (let me say it to the honor of Frenchmen) the more successful are the several actions on the part of the citizen soldiers, the more openly it appears to me that they express their disgust and loathing for the fact of war. It is a thing of hourly occurrence now to hear young Frenchmen, lavish of their lives in their country's cause, say: This must be the last war. It is not only monstrous, but absurd, that reasonable beings, educated, civilized men, should agree to destroy each other, and to devote the best efforts of their intelligence to discovering the best means of mangling the human frame.' You may depend upon it, that whatever circumstance brings this war to a conclusion, there will be a clamor throughout France when it is concluded for a universal disarmament, and for an alteration in the public law of the world which shall substitute arbitration for the antiquated and savage appeal to arms." This is the right language, precisely what we desire to hear from the French people, and we have no doubt but it will be heard with equal emphasis from Germany, England and other nationalities as soon as peace has been restored.

JESUS CHRIST.-My kingdom is not of this world; if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight.

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