both please and profit very many others." I made some excuse by lack of ability and weakness of body. "Well," saith he, "I am not now to learn what you can do; our dear friend, good Mr. Goodricke, whose judgment I could well believe, did once for all satisfy me fully therein. Again, I heard you say, not long ago, that you may thank Sir John Cheke for all the learning you have; and I know very well myself, that you did teach the queen. And therefore, seeing God did so bless you, to make you the scholar of the best master, and also the schoolmaster of the best scholar, that ever were in our time; surely, you should please God, benefit your country, and honest your own name, if you would take the pains to impart to others what you learned of such a master, and how ye taught such a scholar. And in uttering the stuff ye received of the one, in declaring the order ye took with the other, ye shall never lack neither matter nor manner, what to write, nor how to write, in this kind of argument." I beginning some farther excuse, suddenly was called to come to the queen. The night following, I slept little; my head was so full of this our former talk, and I so mindful somewhat to satisfy the honest request of so dear a friend. I thought to prepare some little treatise for a new-year's gift that Christmas; but, as it chanceth to busy builders, so, in building this my poor school-house (the rather because the form of it is somewhat new, and differing from others), the work rose daily higher and wider, than I thought it would at the beginning. And though it appear now, and be in very deed, but a small cottage, poor for the stuff and rude for the workmanship; yet, in going forward, I found the site so good, as I was loth to give it over; but the making so costly, outreaching my ability, as many times I wished that some one of those three, my dear friends with full purses, Sir Thomas Smith,' Mr. Haddon, or Mr. Watson,3 had had the doing of it. 1 Sir Thomas Smith, and Sir John Cheke, who is named below, were the two scholars who had been most active in introducing Greek studies into the University of Cambridge. Both were born in the year 1514, and they were only about a year older than Ascham. Smith, born at Saffron Walden, was of Queen's College, Cambridge; Cheke, born at Cambridge, of St. John's, which also was Ascham's College. Ascham was one of the first to be touched by Cheke's enthusiasm, and himself became Greek lecturer in his College, in 1537. Smith became Provost of Eton on the accession of Edward VI., and was knighted in 1548. Cheke also was knighted by Edward VI., under whom both Smith and Cheke prospered, and became Secretaries of State. Cheke suffered much under Mary, and died in 1557, before the accession of Elizabeth. Sir Thomas Smith was deprived of his offices, but had a pension of £100 a year for his learning. Under Elizabeth he rose to high favour, became Secretary of State, and Chancellor of the Order of the Garter. He died in 1579. 2 Mr. Haddon, sea note 5, page 41. 3 Mr. Watson is spoken of in "The Schoolmaster" itself as "one of the best scholars that ever St. John's College bred, Mr. Watson, mine old friend, sometime Bishop of Lincoln." He was about a year younger than Ascham. He became Dean of his College and one of its preachers. In 1515 he became domestic chaplain to Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, who gave him two livings. His tendency of mind was not friendly to the Reformation, and under Mary he became Master of St. John's (September, 1553, but resigned in the following May), Dean of Durham (November, 1553), and in December, 1556, Bishop of Lincoln, but was not consecrated till the following August. He had been one of those who took part in the proceedings against Hooper, Rogers, and Cardmaker. His extreme zeal caused him to take part in the condemnation of John Rough as a pestilent heretic, though when Watson preached Catholicism. in the north of England in King Edward's days, Rough had saved him from an arrest for treason. Under Elizabeth, Bishop Watson is said to have talked of excommunicating the queen; in April, 1559, he was sent to the Tower; in June he was deprived of his bishopric and released. He was afterwards watched, and occasionally imprisoned, and he died a prisoner under the Bishop of Ely's custody in Wisbech Castle in 158. He had credit in his day as orator and poet, as well as Yet, nevertheless, I myself spending gladly that little that I got at home by good Sir John Cheke, and that that I borrowed abroad of my friend Sturmius, beside somewhat that was left me in reversion by my old masters Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero, I have at last patched it up, as I could, and as you see. If the matter be mean, and meanly handled, I pray you bear both with me and it; for never work went up in worse weather, with more lets and stops, than this poor school-house of mine. Westminster Hall can bear some witness, beside much weakness of body, but more trouble of mind, by some such sores as grieve me to touch them myself and therefore I purpose not to open them to others. And in the midst of outward injuries and inward cares, to increase them withal, good Sir Richard Sackville dieth, that worthy gentleman; that earnest favourer and furtherer of God's true religion; that faithful servitor to his prince and country; a lover of learning and all learned men : wise in all doings; courteous to all persons, showing spite to none, doing good to many; and as I well found, to me so fast a friend, as I never lost the like before. When he was gone, my heart was dead; there was not one that wore a black gown for him who carried a heavier heart for him than I when he was gone, I cast this book away; I could not look upon it but with weeping eyes, in remembering him who was the only setter on to do it; and would have been not only a glad commender of it, but also a sure and certain comfort to me and mine for it. Almost two years together this book lay scattered and neglected, and had been quite given over of me, if the goodness of one had not given me some life and spirit again. God, the mover of goodness, prosper always him and his, as he hath many times comforted me and mine, and, I trust to God, shall comfort more and more. Of whom most justly I may say, and very oft, and always gladly I am wont to say, that sweet verse of Sophocles, spoken by Edipus to worthy Theseus: 6 ἔχω γὰρ ἅ ἔχω διὰ σὲ, κοὐκ ἄλλον βροτῶν. theologian, and deserves honour for being staunch to his convictions when suffering under Elizabeth for conscience' sake. It is also evidence of the kindliness of Ascham, who dared remain a reformer under Mary, and did so without losing the queen's goodwill, that under Elizabeth he delights to honour his old fellow-scholar of St. John's, who is suspected by the government, and from whose opinions in church matters Ascham totally dissents. In Ascham, scholarship had done its proper work in deepening thought, and suffering the mind to grow to its full breadth. He was the more free to think his own thoughts, because he could not and did not insult other men for thinking theirs. My friend Sturmius. "At home" with Sir John Cheke, means in England. Ascham's friend John Sturm was born in 1507 at Schleiden, in Rhenish Prussia. He gave himself with great enthusiasm to the study of the ancient classics, and set up a printing press for the diffusion of Greek texts, being, like most of the early students of Greek, a reformer. After teaching Greek, Latin, and logic in Paris, he left for Strasburg to avoid religious persecution. At Strasburg a civic magnate, highly honoured in his town, which he had served substantially on embassies, and also named John Sturm, was about the same time founding a High School, and he made his learned namesake its first rector. Ascham's love of Greek had probably first drawn him into correspondence with Sturmius, and a hearty friendship between the two scholars was established by the pen. When Ascham went with the embassy to Germany, in Edward VI.'s time, he looked for Sturm at Louvain, but he happened to be away from home, and the friends never saw each other. Sturm lived until 1589. 5 Sir William Cecil. 6 In Edipus at Colonus, line 1129, after Theseus has restored to Edipus his daughters seized by Creon, "For what I have, I have through thee, and no other among mortals; " or, as it reads with the context in Prof. E. H. Plumptre's translation of Sophocles "Now these, beyond my hopes, This hope hath helped me to end this book; which, if he allow, I shall think my labours well employed, and shall not much esteem the misliking of any others. And I trust he shall think the better of it, because he shall find the best part thereof to come out of his school, whom he of all men loved and liked best. Yet, some men, friendly enough of nature, but of small judgment in learning, do think I take too much pains, and spend too much time, in setting forth these children's affairs. But those good men were never brought up in Socrates's school, who saith plainly, "That no man goeth about a more godly purpose, than he that is mindful of the good bringing up both of his own and other men's children." Therefore, I trust, good and wise men will think well of this my doing. And of other, that think otherwise, I will think myself, they are but men to be pardoned for their folly, and pitied for their ignorance. In writing this book, I have had earnest respect to three special points; troth of religion, honesty in living, right order in learning. In which three ways, I pray God my poor children may diligently walk; for whose sake, as nature moved, and reason required, and necessity also somewhat compelled, I was the willinger to take these pains. For, seeing at my death I am not like to leave them any great store of living, therefore in my life-time I thought good to bequeath unto them, in this little book, as in my will and testament, the right way to good learning; which if they follow, with the fear of God, they shall very well come to sufficiency of living. I wish also, with all my heart, that young Mr. Robert Sackville may take that fruct of this labour that his worthy grandfather purposed he should have done; and if any other do take either profit or pleasure hereby, they have cause to thank Mr. Robert Sackville, for whom especially this my Schoolmaster was provided. And one thing I would have the reader consider in reading this book, that, because no schoolmaster hath charge of any child before he enter into his school, therefore, I leaving all former care of their good bringing up to wise and good parents, as a matter not belonging to the schoolmaster, I do appoint this my Schoolmaster then and there to begin, where his office and charge beginneth. Which charge lasteth not long, but until the scholar be made able to go to the university, to proceed in logic, rhetoric, and other kinds of learning. Yet, if my Schoolmaster, for love he beareth to his scholar, shall teach him somewhat for his furtherance and better judgment in learning, that may serve him seven year after in the university, he doth his scholar no more wrong, nor deserveth no worse name thereby, than he doth in London, who, selling silk or cloth unto his friend, doth give him better measure than either his promise or bargain was. Farewell in Christ. Queen Elizabeth exclaimed, when she heard of Ascham's death, that "she would rather have cast ten thousand pounds into the sea than have lost her For thou hast saved them, thou, and only thou; 1 In Plato's "Theages." 66 In John Lyly's "Euphues," which gave its name to the style in fashion at the time of its appearance and for the rest of the years of Elizabeth's reign, seems partly to have been inspired by a reading of Ascham's "Schoolmaster." Lyly's age was about twenty-six in 1579, when "Euphues" was published. He was a Kentish man, who speaks of himself as scarce born" in Queen Mary's reign. He became a student of Magdalene College, Oxford, in 1569, took his B.A. degree in 1573, was in 1574 seeking, without success, a fellowship through the help of Cecil, then Lord Burleigh, who became after this time his friend, and found him some employment in his service. 1575, Lyly commenced M.A., and in the winter of 1578 he wrote " Euphues," which was published early in the spring. The fashion of ingenious talk had been brought home to England by the young men travelling in Italy to finish their education. In Italy it had arisen during the decay of liberty and rise of petty tyrannies within the old republics. The Medici at Florence, and other little supreme beings elsewhere, had encouraged talk about literature as a substitute for less convenient talk about politics, had set up as patrons of literature and art, enjoying both to a certain extent, and coming into the inheritance that was the produce of a freer life, they lived in a fruit time, ate and enjoyed the fruit, discussed its flavour with critical elegance, and killed the tree. The fine gentlemen at the little courts of Italy affected wit and talked daintily. Whatever they said must display wit or culture, both at once if possible. An allusion that showed reading, with a turn of thought to it that showed wit, and turns of alliteration and neat balances of word with word that showed in the mere phrase-making a more than vulgar ingenuity, was aimed at even in speaking, and much more in writing. The fashion spread from Italy through Western Europe, and affected literature in England, Spain, and France, but especially in England and Spain, for French literature was then wanting in energy. The fashion having become established by 1579, and Italian love-tales written in this daintily conceited fashion being in high favour with the courtiers, John Lyly thought it not amiss to put into the heads of courtiers some of the good doctrine he found in Ascham's "Schoolmaster," but framing it after their own dainty manner in the shape of an Italian novel. Ascham had condemned the corruption of manners introduced by the much going of young Englishmen to Italy, and had dwelt on the deep need of gentleness and earnestness in training of the young. Those fathers who most needed the lesson were men who would not read a book with "Schoolmaster" for its title, but who might be caught by the bait of a fashionable lovestory. Its hero had a name taken--through Ascham— from Plato, representing simply a youth apt by nature to be influenced by all impressions from without. Ascham had represented in "The Schoolmaster," from Plato's "Republic," the "seven plain notes to choose a good wit for a child in learning. He should be: 1. Euphues, that is to say, by nature well constituted to receive impressions through each of his senses, with a full use of all powers of the body, and to pass knowledge on to others with help of a ready wit, clear voice and goodly presence. 2. Good of memory. 3. Given to love learning. 4. Having a will to take pains. 5. Glad to hear and learn of another. 6. Bold to ask questions. 7. Loving praise at his father's or master's hand for well-doing. Lyly took "Euphues" from this list as the name for his CHRIST COVERED. (From Stephen Bateman's "Doom," 1581.) hero, and with a profoundly earnest purpose underlying a quick wit, wrote after the fashion of the day with such complete success that the style of his book was taken as a standard of the form of writing he adopted, which was thence called in Elizabeth's day Euphuism. The name is retained in the study of English literature as a convenient term for the style 1 Christ Covered. Below are the pierced feet of Christ, supported by Queen Elizabeth's badges. All else is Covered with a Gorgon's head of ceremonial, thus formed:-A church bell is the helmet, inlaid with crosses made of swords and fire-brands; its plume is the smoke of a censer; its ornaments are a mitred wolf devouring sheep, an ass with a book, a goose with a rosary in its bill, and a hog in a square cap, devouring. Of the Gorgon's face, paten and flagon make cheek, mouth, and chin; chalice and holy wafer make the eye; a vesica piscis the nose (this was a fish-shaped box used to contain a small image of Christ or of a saint, because the initials of Greek words for "Jesus Christ, God's Son, Saviour," when put together, made the Greek for fish). A papal bull and its dependent seal form the curl of hair and the ear. In the shoulders, among Church ornaments, are a pyx and a closed Bible with Pope's mitre and keys upon its cover. abounding in ingenious conceits of fancy and tricks of phrase, which represent the outward dress of much good English thought under Elizabeth. Ingenuity of the same kind was tried with the pencil as with the pen. Thus a writer illustrated his comment on the overlaying of pure Christianity with ceremonials of Rome with an ingenious puzzle picture of Christ covered. There was in such a style among weak writers a not less obvious overlaying of the first simplicities of truth. But the times bred vigour, and in Elizabeth's days many a good wit could clothe living breathing thought in a rich robe of conceits that graced its free movement, and heightened rather than obscured every charm. The first part of "Euphues" is the complete work. The second and longer part, "Euphues and his England," published in 1580, was apparently designed to mitigate some of the severity of the first, and indirectly deprecate in courtly fashion an interpretation of the author's meaning that might lead to the starvation of his family. In the first part, Lyly satisfied his conscience; in the second part, but still without dishonesty, he satisfied the country and the court. 66 pass In the dedication of his first part to Lord de la Warre, Lyly suggests that there may be found in it more speeches which for gravity will mislike the foolish, than unseemly terms which for vanity may offend the wise." He anticipates some little disfavour from the "fine wits of the day;" and his allusions to "the dainty ear of the curious sifter," to the use of " superfluous eloquence," to the search after" those which sift the finest meal and bear the whitest mouths," sufficiently show that his own manner was formed upon a previously existing taste. Here it is that a censure occurs which is very significant: "It is a world to see how Englishmen desire to hear finer speech than their language will allow, to eat finer bread than is made of wheat, or wear finer cloth than is made of wool; but I let their fineness, which can no way excuse my folly." Euphues was a young gentleman of great patrimony, who dwelt in Athens, and who corresponded in his readiness of wit and perfectness of body to the quality called Euphues by Plato. Disdaining counsel, the youth left his own country, and happened to arrive at Naples. "This Naples was a place of more pleasure than profit, and yet of more profit than piety, the very walls and windows whereof showed it rather to be the tabernacle of Venus than the temple of Vesta; a court more meet for an atheist than for one of Athens." Here the youth determined to make his abode, and wanted no companions. He welcomed all, but trusted none; and showed so pregnant a wit, that Eubulus, an old gentleman of Naples, as one lamenting his wantonness and loving his wittiness, warned him against the dangers of a city where he might see drunken sots wallowing in every house, in every chamber, yea, in every channel. The speech of good counsel (which occupies four pages) closed with the solemn admonition, "Serve God, love God, fear God, and God will so bless thee as either heart can wish or thy friends desire." Euphues, who was not at this stage of his journey through life also piλýkoos-glad to learn of another— accused the old gentleman of churlishness, and proved to him by many similitudes that men's natures are not alike. The sun doth harden the dirt and melt the wax; fire maketh the gold to shine and the straw to smother; perfumes refresh the dove and kill the beetle. Black will take no other colour. The stone asbestos being once made hot will never be made cold. Fire cannot be forced downward. How can age counsel us who are young, when we are contraries? I am not smothered, says the young man, by your smoky arguments, "but as the chameleon, though he have most guts draweth least breath, or as the elder tree, though he be fullest of pith, is farthest from strength: so though your reasons seem inwardly to yourself somewhat substantial, and your persuasions pithy in your own conceit, yet they are nought." Here, says Lyly, ye may behold, gentlemen, how lewdly wit standeth in his own light; and he attacks in his own person the censoriousness of men of sharp capacity, who for the most part" esteem of themselves as most proper." If one be hard in conceiving, they pronounce him a dolt; if given to study, they proclaim him a dunce; if merry, a jester; if sad, a saint; if full of words, a sot; if without speech, a cipher. If one argue with them boldly, then is he impudent; if coldly, an innocent; if there be reasoning of divinity they cry, Quæ supra nos nihil ad nos; if of humanity, Sententias loquitur carnifex. But of himself he confesses, "I have ever thought so superstitiously of wit, that I fear I have committed idolatry against wisdom." After a two months' sojourn in Naples, Euphues found a friend in a young and wealthy town-born gentleman named Philautus. Euphues and Philautus used not only one board, but one bed, one book, if so be it they thought not one too many. Philautus had crept into credit with Don Ferardo, one of the chief governors of the city, who although he had a courtly crew of gentlewomen sojourning in his palace, yet his daughter Lucilla stained the beauty of them all. Unto her had Philautus access, who won her by right of love, and should have worn her by right of law, had not Euphues, by strange destiny, broken the bonds of marriage, and forbidden the banns of matrimony. It happened that Don Ferardo had occasion to go to Venice about certain of his own affairs, leaving his daughter the only steward of his household. Her father being gone, she sent for her friend to supper, who came not alone, but with his friend Euphues, to whom the lady gave cold welcome. When they all sat down, Euphues fed of one dish, which ever stood before him, the beauty of Lucilla. Supper being ended, "the order was in Naples that the gentlewomen would desire to hear some discourse, either concerning love or learning; and although Philautus was requested, yet he posted it over to Euphues, whom he knew most fit for that purpose." Then follows one of the discourses characteristic of what in Elizabeth's day passed for the lighter portions of this work. Euphues spoke to the question whether qualities of mind or body most awaken love; declared for mind; and said to the gentlewomen, If you would be tasted for old wine, be in the mouth a pleasant grape. He passed to the inquiry whether men or women be most constant ; and, accounting it invidious to choose his own side in that argument, undertook to maintain the contrary to whatever opinion might be given by Lucilla. Lucilla, willing to hear from him praises of her sex, declared that women are to be won with every wind. Euphues, therefore, began the praise of woman's constancy, but ended abruptly, "neither," he said, "for want of good will or lack of proof, but that I feel in myself such alteration that I can scarcely utter one word." Ah, Euphues, Euphues! The gentlewomen were struck into such a quandary with this sudden change, that they all changed colour. But Euphues, taking Philautus by the hand, and giving the gentlewomen thanks for their patience and his repast, bade them all farewell, and went immediately to his chamber. Lucilla, who now began to fry in the flames of love, all the company being departed to their lodgings, entered into these terms and contrarieties. Her soliloquy is three pages and a half long, and with its pros and cons of ingenious illustration curiously artificial. Euphues, immediately afterwards, has four pages and a half of mental conflict to work out in similitudes. When he had talked with himself, Philautus entered the chamber, and offering comfort to his mourning friend, was deluded with a tale about the charms of Livia, Lucilla's friend. From Philautus the false friend sought help in gaining frequent access to the lady. Philautus and Euphues therefore repaired together to the house of Ferardo, where they found Mistress Lucilla and Livia, accompanied with other gentlewomen, neither being idle nor well employed, but playing at cards. Euphues was called upon to resume his former discourse upon the fervency of love in women. But whilst he was yet speaking, Ferardo entered, and departed again within an hour, carrying away Philautus, and craving the gentleman, his friend, to supply his room. Philautus knew well the cause of this sudden departure, which was to redeem certain lands that were mortgaged in his father's time to the use of Ferardo, who, on that condition, had beforetime promised him his daughter in marriage. Euphues was surprised with such incredible joy at this strange event, that he had almost swooned; for, seeing his co-rival to be departed, and Ferardo to give him so friendly entertainment, he doubted not in time to get the good will of Lucilla. Ten pages of love-talk, unusually rich in similitudes, do in fact bring Euphues and Lucilla to a secret understanding. But "as Ferardo went in post, so he returned in haste;" and before there was a second meeting of the lovers, the young lady's father had, in a speech of a page long, containing no similitudes, proposed her immediate marriage to Philautus. Lucilla replied artfully; disclaimed more than a playful acquaintance with Philautus; and declared her love for Euphues, to whom therefore Philautus, after a long soliloquy in his own lodgings, wrote a letter. Having received a gibing answer, he disdained all further intercourse with the false friend. Euphues having absented himself from the house of Ferardo, while Ferardo himself was at home, longed sore to see Lucilla, which now opportunity offered unto him, Ferardo being gone again to Venice with Philautus. But in this his absence, one Curio, a gentleman of Naples, of little wealth and less wit, haunted Lucilla, and SO enchanted her, that Euphues was also cast off with Philautus. His next conversation with the fickle lady ended therefore thus:-"Farewell, Lucilla, the most inconstant that ever was nursed in Naples; farewell Naples, the most cursed town in all Italy; and women all, farewell." Euphues talked much to himself when he reached home, lamenting his rejection of the fatherly counsel of Eubulus, and his spending of life in the laps of ladies, of his lands in maintenance of bravery, and of his wit in the vanities of idle sonnets. The greatest wickedness, he found, is drawn out of the greatest wit, if it be abused by will, or entangled with the world, or inveigled by women. He will endeavour himself to amend all that is past, and be a mirror of godliness thereafter, rather choosing to die in his study amidst his books, than to court it in Italy in the company of ladies. The story is at an end, although the volume is not, and Lyly's idle readers, who have caught at his bait of a fashionably conceited tale, may now begin to feel the hook with which he angles. Ferardo, after vain expostulation with his daughter, died of inward grief, leaving her the only heir of his lands, and Curio to possess them. Long afterwards we are incidentally told of the shamelessness of her subsequent life and of her wretched end. Philautus and Euphues renewed their friendship. Philautus was earnest to have Euphues tarry in Naples, and Euphues desirous to have Philautus to Athens; but the one was so addicted to the court, the other to the university, that each refused the offer of the other; yet this they agreed between themselves, that though their bodies were by distance of place severed, yet the communication of their minds was to continue. The first bit of his mind communicated by the experienced Euphues is entitled "A Cooling Card for Philautus and all fond Lovers." He is ashamed to have himself been, by reason of an idle love, not much unlike those abbey lubbers in his life (though far unlike them in belief) which laboured till they were cold, ate till they sweat, and lay in bed till their bones ached; urges that the sharpest wit inclineth only to wickedness, if it be not exercised; and warns against immoderate sleep, immodest play, unsatiable swilling of wine. He bids Philautus study physic or law-Galen giveth goods, Justinian honours--or confer all his study, all his time, all his treasure, to the attaining of the sacred and sincere knowledge of divinity. If this be not for him, let him employ himself in jousts and tourneys, rather than loiter in love, and spend his life in the laps of ladies. When danger is near, let him go into the country, look to his grounds, yoke his oxen, follow his plough, "and reckon not with thyself how many miles thou hast gone-that showeth weariness; but how many thou hast to go-that proveth manliness." Of woman's enticing ornaments, says Euphues, "I loathe almost to think on their ointments and apothecary drugs, the sleeking of their faces, and all their slibber sauces which bring queasiness to the stomach and disquiet to the mind. Take from them their periwigs, their paintings, their jewels, their rolls, their bolsterings, and thou shalt soon perceive that a woman is the least part of herself." And Philautus also he admonishes-" Be not too curious to curl thy hair, nor careful to be neat in thine apparel; be not prodigal of thy gold, nor precise in thy going; be not like the Englishman, which preferreth every strange fashion to the use of his own country." The "Cooling Card" is followed by a letter "to the grave Matrons and honest Maidens of Italy," in the spirit of one who, as he writes, "may love the clear conduit water, though he loathe the muddy ditch. Ulysses, though he detested Calypso with her sugared voice, yet he embraced Penelope with her rude distaff." It should no more grieve the true woman to hear censure of woman's folly "than the mintmaster to see the coiner hanged." Increasing in gravity as he proceeds, Euphues founds on the recollection of his misspent youth “a caveat to all parents, how they might bring their children up in virtue, and a commandment to all youth how they should frame themselves to their father's instructions." This part of Euphues is, in fact, under the title of "Euphues and his Ephebus," a systematic essay upon education, sound as Ascham's in its doctrine; dealing with the management of children from their birth, and advancing to the ideal of a university. 66 Having reasoned that philosophy-one, in its teachings, with religion-should be the scholar's chief object of desire, Euphues delivers home-thrusts at the University of Athens, for the license of the scholars, the unseemly fashions of their dress, their newly-imported silks and velvets, their courtiers' ways, and their schisms. "I would to God," he says, they did not imitate all other nations in the vice of the mind as they do in the attire of their body; for certainly, as there is no nation whose fashion in apparel they do not use, so there is no wickedness published in any place that they do not practise. Be there not many in Athens which think there is no God, no redemption, no resurrection?" common people, seeing the licentious lives of students, say that they will rather send their children to the cart than to the university; "and until I see better reformation in Athens," Euphues adds, "my young Ephebus shall not be nurtured in Athens." The An address to the gentlemen-scholars of Oxford, prefixed to a subsequent edition of the book, proves to us that in these passages of Euphues it was believed that Oxford was "too much defaced or defamed: " "If any fault be committed," Lyly writes, "impute it to Euphues, who knew you not; not to Lyly, who hates you not. Yet may I of all the rest most condemn Oxford of unkindness, of vice I cannot, who seemed to wean me before she brought me forth, and to give me bones to gnaw before I could get the teat to suck. Wherein she played the nice mother, in sending me into the country to nurse, where I tired at a dry breast three years, and was at the last forced to wean myself." |