gerents, from the following text from the sacred books: "Since the servants of the king, whom he has appointed guardians of districts, are generally knaves, who seize what belongs to other men, from such knaves let him defend his people; of such evil minded servants, as wring wealth from subjects attending them on business, let the king confiscate all their possessions, and banish them from the realm."

The king stands at the head of the government, having to assist him a council of seven or eight ministers, of noble lineage, whose ancestors were councilors to kings. They must be learned in the Vedas; personally brave and dexterous in the use of weapons. The king consults with his ministers in the affairs of government, in this wise: He first obtains the private views of each minister on any important measure, after which he consults them in common; each is swayed by his private opinion and is very apt to resist the light thrown upon the subject by others, and the king himself is to decide which is the best. Laws of Menu, chap. (vii), ver. 58: "To one learned Brahman, distinguished among the rest, let the king impart his momentous counsel." His position requires that he must provide for the defence of the country, and stand at the head of the military force, being supported by a military deputy. In times of peace, the troops were quartered under the command of the governors of districts, as they were under the feudal system of Europe. When a general war was likely to ensue, the king gave orders to the many vicegerents, and they to their subordinates, to get their troops in readiness and repair to the standard. Notwithstanding the onerous duties of the king, a leader in the war campaigns, and a judge in peace, the Shaster describes the king as the guardian of all his subjects, a divinity in human form, to inflict punishment according to the law. In times of peace, the king held his court at the seat of government, which was either presided over by himself or a deputy.

Besides the king's court, there were three others as well as fifteen inferior

courts, having well defined jurisdictions,

a few of which were not unlike the English common law courts. When a cause cannot be examined in person by the king, he will call a learned Brahman, or a Kshatriya, but in no case can a Sudra be employed to try a cause. The solemnities of the jurisdiction, according to Menu, were conducted as follows: "Let the King or his judge, having seated himself on the bench, his body properly clothed, and his mind attentively fixed, begin with doing reverence to the deities who govern the world, and then let him enter on the trial of causes." The manner in which a case was brought before the court was simple and effective. The process by which the plaintiff could get the ears of the judge might be either oral or written, and the defendant's answer must be in the same form; if the application be in writing, so must the answer. The parties could appear and plead, or have attorneys to appear instead. All have access to the Durbar, or seat of justice, which is invariably located in a convenient area, to convene the people, similar to those of the days of Job, Moses and Daniel; also among the Greeks, when the judge sat in the gate of the city. The plaintiff approaches the judge by making a few prostrate | bows, or salaams, at the same time calling for justice, and making an offering of a piece of money. He is ordered to be silent, and state his case to the judge, which he does, in a simple and humble manner. The defendant states his case, after which, in many instances, the court holds his decision under advisement, while the contestants and friends are visiting the judge in private, each bestowing presents, in order to bribe, and using their respective influences to effect the decision; which generally is favorable or unfavorable, in proportion to the means that have been used. When taking into consideration the great latitude the judges of ancient India had, and the opportunities to receive bribes and work injustice, her history can boast of judges who were upright and above reproach, whose hands were clean, and hearts pure. The characters of such are revered

among the Hindoos; their judgment and decisions are handed down to posterity and their virtues supply the place of proverbs, in common conversation among the people of Hindostan.

The Hindoo government is composed of three branches: the legislative, judicial and administrative; all these powers, however, are virtually under the control and influence of the Brahmans. The Hindoo believes that in the begin-, ing Brahma gave a complete and perfect code of laws to govern the people, in their public as well as in their private affairs, hence the only acknowledged law is that contained in the sacred books, the true interpretation of which is given by the Brahmans; therefore the legislative arm of government exclusively belongs to the priesthood. The king, nevertheless, being the supreme judge, is commended to employ Brahmans as counselors and assistants in the administration of justice. The king only possesses the shadow of judicial power, and is the figure head by whom the decisions

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of the Brahmans are made effective. They were at the head of the legislative and judicial functions, and were also masters of the executive powers, as the king, on all occasions, was obliged to employ Brahmans for his ministers and counselors, and be controlled by their suggestions. The law says: "Let the King, having risen early, respectfully attend to Brahmans learned in the Vedas, and by their decisions let him abide.” Thus, from their ancient laws, the king was a tool performing the arduous part of government, while the priests possessed the power.

The soveriegn, notwithstanding he had ceded much of his right and authority to the priests, held his position as head of the army and master of the public revenues. These two engines alone were sufficient to surround the monarch with an outward attraction to make him an object to receive homage from the priest, and that portion of the people who were fishing for gifts and favors. Wm. Fotheringham.

VI.

A FEW days after Captain Van Vliet started on his return to the army, Governor Young issued the following: PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. Citizens of Utah:

We are invaded by a hostile force who are evidently assailing us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction.

For the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the Government, from Constables and Justices, to Judges, Governors and Presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted and betrayed. Our houses have been plundered and then burned, our fields laid waste, our principle men butchered while under the pledged faith of the government for their safety, and our families driven from their homes to find that shelter in the barren wilderness and

that protection among hostile savages, which were denied them in the boasted

abodes of Christianity and civilization.

The Constitution of our common country guarantees unto us all that we do now or have ever claimed.

If the Constitutional rights which pertain unto us as American citizens were extended to Utah, according to the spirit and meaning thereof, and fairly and impartially administered, it is all that we could ask, all that we have ever asked.

Our opponents have availed themselves of prejudice existing against us because of our religious faith, to send out a formidable host to accomplish our destruction. We have had no privilege, no opportunity of defending ourselves from the false, foul and unjust aspersions against us before the nation. The government has not condescended to cause an investigating committee or other per

sons to be sent to inquire into and ascertain the truth, as is customary in such

cases.

We know those aspersions to be false, but that avails us nothing. We are condemned unheard and forced to an issue with an armed, mercenary mob, which has been sent against us at the instigation of anonymous letter writers ashamed to father the base, slanderous falsehoods which they have given to the public; of corrupt officials who have brought false accusation against us to screen themselves in their own infamy; and of hireling priests and howling editors who prostitute the truth for filthy lucre's sake.

The issue which has been thus forced upon us compels us to resort to the great first law of self preservation and stand in our own defense, a right guaranteed unto us by the genius of the institutions of our country, and upon which the government is based.

Our duty to ourselves, to our families, requires us not to tamely submit to be driven and slain, without an attempt to preserve ourselves. Our duty to our country, our holy religion, our God, to freedom and liberty, requires that we should not quietly stand still and see those fetters forging around, which are calculated to enslave and bring us in subjection to an unlawful military despotism such as can only emanate (in a country of constitutional law) from usurpation, tyranny and oppression.

Therefore I, Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Utah, in the name of the People of the United States in the Territory of Utah,

1st-Forbid all armed forces, of every description, from coming into this Territory under any pretense whatever.

2d-That all the forces in said Territory hold themselves in readiness to march, at a moments notice, to repel any and all such invasion.

3d-Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this Territory, from and after the publication of this Proclamation; and no person shall be allowed to pass or repass into, or through, or from this Territory, without a permit from the proper officer.

In preparing this celebrated document the Governor was asked if he realized that the act would be construed by his enemies as treasonable. He replied that he supposed so, but signified that the liberties of a loyal people were worth more than fair fame in the eyes of an administration, so blind and weak as to be goaded on to such acts of folly and wickedness, by the ignorant clamoring of an excited populace. He plainly indicated that defensive action was necessary, not only to preserve the homes and liberties of our people, but to prevent the approaching forces from committing deeds of horrible injustice and cruelty. He expected that a fair investigation and settlement of difficulties would follow the campaign, knowing that it should have preceded it, and proposed that while the excitement of relentless intolerance animated the power raised against us to hold its hand until its head got cool. This was the object and proved to be the effect of Governor Young's proclamation of martial law.

The Nauvoo Legion (the territorial militia), consisted at this time of all able bodied men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, and was organized into military districts. The general officers of the Legion detailed for the campaign were; Daniel H. Wells, Lieut. General, commanding; Generals Geo. D. Grant, Wm. H. Kimball, James Ferguson, H. B. Clawson; Colonels R. T. Burton, N. V. Jones, Jas. Cummings, C. A. West, Thos. Callister, John Sharp, W. B. Pace, Lot Smith, Warren Snow, Jos. A. Young, A. P. Rockwood; J. L. Dunyon, Surgeon; Majors, H. W. Lawrence, J. M. Barlow, Israel Ivins, R. J. Golding, J. R. Winder, J. D. T. McAllister. Besides these officers, scouts and rangers were detailed to perform special duties. Among these were O. P. Rock

well, Ephraim Hanks and many others. The nature of the campaign was such that individuals were selected for certain service without regard to their official station; thus officers of the highest rank were found performing the duties of company captains, or sharing the labors of men of the line. A distinguishing feature of this military organization, was the uniform cordiality between

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officers and men. Anything in the shape of dress parade demeanor on the part of petty officers was promptly frowned down by their superiors, and very soon after entering upon active service, everything in the nature of invidious distinctions disappeared. Discipline was preserved more by the good sense and good feeling of the men than by the rigid enforcement of military law. Vaux.

Wearily tramping day by day
Over the country far and wide,
Earnestly reaping by the way,

And two and two, and side by side,

Are Mormon Elders moving.
Over the turnpikes rough and worn,
Over the lanes through wheat and corn,
Treading the paths in wood and field,
Where honest folks a shelter yield,
They ev'rywhere are roving.

Oft on the wayside rocks or trees,
Hungry and footsore, long they rest,
Talking of home and liberties

Ne'er given to a weary guest,

However much befriended.
Thousands of miles away from home,
Daily they on their circuit roam,
Facing the storms, or dust and heat,
Until their mission is complete,
Their tiresome labors ended.

Bible in hand, they teach the truth,
Like it was taught in Palestine,
Calling on all, in age or youth,
To heed the Gospel plan divine
Restored again from Heaven.
Freely they give the words of life,
Ever opposed by Satan's strife;
Ever withstood by Pharisees
Who fight the truth by calumnies
As when it first was given.

Ever at work, their lives at stake,
Warning the world of what will be,
Warning the world to turn, forsake,
And flee the harlot mystery.

The great sectarian babel.
Threatened with clubs and coats of tar,
Errors' accustomed plan of war;
Hated by priests who truth deride,-
The welcome that the Elders bide
'Mid foes that love a fable.

Wearily tramping day by day,
Seeking the humble, rich and poor,
Calling to all: Repent, obey
The ordinance that will insure
The Savior's approbation.
Over the wide land everywhere

Swiftly the Gospel now they bear:
Soon will the land be left untilled,
The Gentile times be all fulfilled,
And fallen every nation.

Judgments and plagues, with war and fire,
Over the world will swiftly go,
Bringing a devastation dire,

With millions crying in their woe

Who heeded not the warning. Then will the Saints enjoy their rest, Gathered together in the West; Living beneath the laws of God, Secure, while His avenging rod

Brings terror, woe and mourning. Yearly from Zion still they go, Happy are they when one believes; Happier still whene'er they know They may return with gathered sheaves As brands plucked from the burning. Tramping with neither scrip or purse, Sheltered by friends while foes accuse, Leaving it all for God above

To mete to all, in hate or love,

The sure reward they're earning.

O, when the Book of Life is read,

There may the reapers and their sheaves, Named with the Church that Christ has wed, Be found upon its sacred leaves

Recorded close together!

Then will the reapers joyful be

Greeting the souls they helped to free.

Wearily tramping, day by day,

Upon the lone or dusty way,

No more, no more, forever.

7. L. Townsend.

THE Legislature, at its late session, having provided by resolution for holding a Constitutional Convention, the members elect of the latter, assembled in the City Hall, April 10, 1882, and organized by electing Hon. Joseph F. Smith, President; L. E. Harrington and Edward Dalton, Vice-Presidents; Arthur Stayner, Secretary; Junius F. Wells, Assistant Secretary; B. Y. Hampton, Sergeant-at-arms and W. W. Cluff, Chaplain. There were three lady delegates to the Convention, namely: Sarah M. Kimball, Elizabeth Howard, Emmeline B. Wells.

The practical duty of preparing the Constitution was assigned to various committees, whose several reports when made were referred to a select committee of twenty-one, consisting of the chairmen of the respective committees and eight other gentlemen chosen from the Convention. This committee labored assiduously, revising, consolidating, amending and formulating the sub-committee's reports. In its deliberations some very fine arguments were made by several gentlemen upon the living questions of the day, and the propriety of incorporating special allusions, in the way of concessions to outside popular opinion, in the Constitution or Memorial to Congress.

In this connection the questions of polygamy and minority representation were thoroughly discussed, and upon vote it was determined that nothing upon either of those subjects should be in

serted in the Constitution. The reasons being, briefly, that the former is bona fide a tenet of religious faith, and the latter, contrary to the genius and principle of popular government where majorities rule.

The Constitution as finally adopted by the Committee, was reported to the Convention on Tuesday, April 25. It is an able document; among the distinctive features are the right of women to vote and hold legislative, educational and clerical offices, the exemption of the mining industry from taxation for ten years, and the name "State of Utah." All previous constitutions and applica tions for admission into the Union have been in the name "State of Deseret.” The labors of the Convention have been pursued harmoniously, and whether the instrument which they have prepared, shall ever become the fundamental law of the State of Utah or not, great honor will ever attach to the gentlemen and ladies, who have spent their time in preparing it.

It is a constitution under which any citizen of America, who is well disposed towards the general welfare could live and prosper. It restricts no man in the enjoyment of the utmost liberty compatible with his fellowmen, and it guarantees security to every person in his possessions and in his inalienable and inherent rights.

The Constitution was adopted on the twenty-seventh of April, by a vote of fifty-nine, being all the members present. A committee to prepare a Memorial to Congress to accompany it, and to supervise the election for its ratification was appointed, when the Convention adjourned until the sixth of June. The election will be held on the twenty-second of May.

THE Comments on the Edmunds Bill published in this number cannot fail to be read with great interest; they express in the most perspicuous manner the views and feelings of all classes of our community upon this unjust, unconstitu tional, cruel and cowardly enactment of the Forty-seventh Congress.