indignation. Washington was a member of the House of Burgesses when Patrick Henry uttered the most distinct warning:-'Cæsar had his Brutus; Charles his Cromwell; and George III. (cries of "Treason! treason!") may profit by their examples. Sir, if this be treason (to the Speaker), make the most of it.'

Washington, not carried away by the excitement of public debate, used more moderate language in a letter written at this time: The Stamp Act engrosses the conversation of the speculative part of the colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of taxation as a direful attack upon their liberties, and loudly exclaim against the violation. What may be the result of this and some other (I think I may add il-judged) measures, I will not undertake to determine; but this I may venture to affirm, that the advantage accruing to the mother-country will fall greatly short of the expectation of the ministry; for certain it is that our whole substance already in a manner flows to Great Britain, and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our importation must be hurtful to her manufactures. The eyes of our people already begin to be opened; and they will perceive that many luxuries, for which we lavish our substance in Great Britain, can well be dispensed with. This, consequently, will introduce frugality, and be a necessary incitement to industry. . . . As to the Stamp Act, regarded in a single view, one of the first bad consequences attending it is that our courts of judicature must inevitably be shut up; for it is impossible, or next to impossible, that the Act of Parliament can be complied with, were we ever so willing to enforce its execution. And not to say (which alone would be sufficient) that we have not money enough to pay for the

stamps, there are many other cogent reasons which prove that it would be ineffectual.'

But the opposition gathered strength throughout the colonies; and the temper of the colonists towards Britain began to change. Previous to 1763 they had been among the most loyal and attached subjects of the Crown. As Benjamin Franklin said, in his evidence before the House of Commons, 'they had not only a respect, but an affection for Great Britain, for its laws, its customs, and manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased the commerce. Natives of Great Britain were always treated with particular regard, as to be an Old England man was of itself a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us.' But the odious principle involved in the Stamp Act was rapidly alienating their affections; and the best friends of both colonists and British heaved a sigh of relief when the Act was repealed in March 1766.

Washington was satisfied; but the real source of irritation had not been removed; for the repealing Act specially retained the principle that the king and British Parliament had a right to enact laws effectually binding the colonists in all cases. Disputes began to arise betwixt the various legislatures and governors; collisions of power ensued; and several of the former were dissolved. The British Government began to take active precautionary measures; two regiments were brought from Halifax, and, in spite of the strenuous opposition of the inhabitants, quartered in Boston.

George Washington, at Mount Vernon, eagerly observed, but did not participate in the significant events of the time. He was one of the loyalest men in the country, and was far from desiring or anticipating extreme measures. The taking

He

up of arms was in his eyes a very desperate resource. advocated an attempt to starve the trade of Great Britain with her colonies, and thus, by wounding the former in her most vulnerable part, bring her to reason. He favoured the plan of forming an association to refrain from using articles of British manufacture; but he got no opportunity of laying his suggestions before the Legislature of 1768, for Lord Botetourt, governor of Virginia, amazed and startled by the bold language and resolutions adopted by it, had curtly and decidedly dissolved it. The members immediately reassembled in their private capacity, adopted the plan submitted by Washington and Mason, and pledged themselves to abstain from the use of taxed goods.

The friendly intimacy betwixt Lord. Botetourt and Washington is sufficient evidence of the latter's moderation. The ceremonious colonial and the courtly governor found congenial society in each other, and a certain exchange of hospitalities took place. Lord Botetourt was a man of intelligence and decision. When he was informed of his appointment to be governor of Virginia, and asked by the king when he would be ready to go, he replied, "To-night, sir.' Horace Walpole described his douceur as being enamelled on iron. He had already given proof of the iron; and he now displayed the enamel. He endeavoured to soothe the commotions by promises of repeal, and he succeeded for a time; and when, in 1770, Lord North removed all the obnoxious taxes except that on tea, the external evidences of disquiet in Virginia rapidly abated. His death, which occurred soon afterwards, was a loss felt both by the Virginians and the home Government. With the Earl of

Dunmore, who succeeded him, Washington was on the same

friendly terms. The unfortunate maintenance of the tax upon tea was, however, quite enough to perpetuate all the bitterness of the strife; for the exception had been made expressly to retain the obnoxious principle. A scuffle took place between the citizens and the soldiery at Boston; four of the former were killed and several were wounded. It was the most significant event that had yet happened; and, under the exaggerating name of the Boston Massacre, it created profound excitement throughout America.

But Washington's attention was for a time diverted in another direction than that of politics. Dinwiddie, when governor of Virginia, had promised to divide 200,000 acres of land in the Ohio valley among the soldiers who undertook to serve against the French there until the peace. In 1770, Washington was nominated a commissioner in Virginia to settle the military accounts, and he took up the claims of the soldiers. The Indians of the Six Nations had two years before formally ceded to the British all the land south of the Ohio, and Washington determined to secure part of that for his old comrades and followers. With quiet resolution and promptitude, he set out in October to inspect the ground, and to set his mark upon such portions as he might select, before the squatters and speculators should forestall his choice. He was accompanied by Dr. Craik, an old and tried friend. He was traversing well-known ground and reviving former memories; and the man of thirty-eight exhibited the same boldness and fortitude in encountering hardships as the youth of twenty-two. The two companions first directed their steps to Fort Pitt, round which a village was springing up; and thence they sailed down the Ohio to the mouth of the Great Kanawha River, where they

secured the 200,000 acres. 'It was a fine sporting country, having small lakes or grassy ponds abounding with waterfowl, such as ducks, geese, and swans, flocks of turkeys as usual; and for larger game, deer and buffalo, so that their camp abounded with provisions.'

The famous Boston Tea-Party' took place on December 18, 1773, when a number of Boston citizens, disguised as Indians, boarded the tea-ships in the harbour, and threw the cargo into the sea. The Boston Port Bill, depriving Boston of the privileges of a port, was immediately passed by the British Parliament in retaliation. The open sympathy of the Virginian Legislature with Boston led again to its dissolution; but the members for the second time met as private citizens, and gave expression to their feelings in 'resolutions.' They resolved to repeat the abstaining policy; and on June 1, on which the Port Bill came into force, a fast was observed by the patriotic colonists, among whom was George Washington. At home in Fairfax County he began to take a principal part in political meetings; and on August I he was sent to represent his county at an unofficial general convention of representatives in Williamsburg. With six others, he was deputed to represent Virginia at the General Congress in Philadelphia, which met in September 1774. The Congress was in session for over seven weeks, and debated in secret the great questions. Patrick Henry, himself a great speaker, said, referring to this meeting: If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and judgment, Colonel Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor.'

Matters at Boston were approaching a crisis. A provincial