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the war should go to a second campaign, that it might be obstructed. Why not speak out, and own the real fact? He feared that a second campaign might occasion the loss of his place. Let him keep but his place, he cares not what else he loses. With other men, reputation and glory are the objects of ambition; power and place are coveted but as the means of these. For the minister, power and place are sufficient of themselves. With them he is content; for them he can calmly sacrifice every proud distinction that ambition covets, and every noble prospect to which it points the way!

Sir, there is yet an argument which I have not sufficiently noticed. It has been said, as a ground for his defence, that he was prevented from gaining what he demanded by our opposition; and, but for this, Russia would have complied, and never would have hazarded a war. Sir, I believe the direct contrary, and my belief is as good as their assertion, unless they will give us some proof of its veracity. Until then, I have a right to ask them, what if Russia had not complied? Worse and worse for him! He must have gone on, redoubling his menaces and expenses, the empress of Russia continuing inflexible as ever, but for the salutary opposition which preserved him from his extremity of shame. I am not contending that armaments are never necessary to enforce negotiations; but it is one, and that not the least, of the evils attending the right honourable gentleman's misconduct, that by keeping up the parade of an armament, never meant to be employed, he has in a great measure deprived us of the use of this method of negotiating, whenever it may be necessary to apply it effectually. For if you propose to arm in concert with any foreign power, that power will answer: "What security can you give me that you will persevere in that system? You say you cannot go to war, unless your people are unanimous." If you aim to negotiate against a foreign power, that power will say: "I have only to persist--the British minister may threaten, but he dare not act-he will

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not hazard the loss of his place by a war." honourable gentleman* in excuse for withholding papers, asked what foreign power would negotiate with an English cabinet, if their secrets were likely to be developed, and exposed to the idle curiosity of a house of commons ?-I do not dread such a consequence; but if I must be pushed to extremes, if nothing were left me but an option between opposite evils, I should have no hesitation in choosing. "Better have no dealings with them at all," I should answer, "if the right of inquiry into every part of á negotiation they think fit, and of knowing why they are to vote the money of their constituents, be denied the house of commons." But there is something like reason why no foreign power will negotiate with us, and that a much better reason than a dread of disclosing their secrets, in the right honourable gentleman's example. I declare, therefore, for the genius of our constitution, against the practice of his majes ty's ministers: I declare that the duties of this house are, vigilance in preference to secrecy, deliberation in preference to despatch. Sir, I have given my reasons for supporting the motion for a vote of censure on the minister. I will listen to his defence with attention, and I will retract wherever he shall prove me to be wrong.

* Mr. Dundas.

LORD CLARE'S SPEECH,

ON A MOTION OF ADDRESS TO THE LORD LIEUTENANT, &c.

THE Earl of Moira presented the subsequent resolution to the house of lords of Ireland, on the 19th of February 1798, being the repetition of one of the same purport, which he had a short time previously moved, without effect, in the English house of lords.

"That an address be presented to his excellency the lord lieutenant, representing that, as parliament has confided to his excellency extraordinary powers for supporting the laws and for defeating any traitorous combinations which may exist in this kingdom, this house feels it, at the same time, a duty to recommend the adoption of such conciliatory measures as may allay the apprehensions, and extinguish the discontents unhappily prevalent in this country."

Whether the lenient and conciliatory course, which the resolution proposes could have been prudently pursued, it seems difficult to determine. By the opposite system, though in some instances marked by a "vigour beyond the law," it must be admitted that the daring project of dissolving the connexion between the two countries was defeated, and the dis tractions of those "evil times" allayed.

It

The present speech is a very important one. traces with unusual ability, and detailed exact. ness the discontent of Ireland from its seminal state" through all its progressive stages of growth

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till it burst in full maturity in plots, treason, and conspiracy; and shows that, however narrow and restrictive may have been the spirit of British policy towards the sister isle, she in return, has been no less factious, and disloyal; always eager and importunate in her demands, which no concession could satisfy, and no redress appease.

It moreover contains a complete refutation of the calumnies so industriously circulated against the Irish government while engaged in suppressing the recent rebellions. If the government were guilty of wanton cruelty and oppression, the earl of Moira, who certainly betrayed no want of care or diligence in the collection of proofs of these charges, was exceedingly unfortunate in the choice of those which he adduced. For in the whole catalogue of his allegations, there is not one which lord Clare does not conclusively prove to be either a groundless fabrication, or which, if true, he does not extenuate or justify. The resolution of course was rejected.

We may, with perfect confidence, recommend this admirable speech to the attentive perusal of every one, who is desirous of investigating the " high matters" it discusses, or who is ambitious to cultivate a style of eloquence neat, cogent, and argumentative. In strength, it is a Dorick column of granite, without one of the slight ornaments of the composite.

SPEECH, &c.

MY LORDS,

I AM happy to have an opportunity of discussing this subject with the noble lord in this assembly. I know of none on which there has been such a series of studied and persevering misrepresentation, and certainly very liberal contributions have been made to the common stock, under the sanction and authority of the noble earl's name. If we are to believe reports apparently well authenticated, which have been nearly avowed this night on his part, the noble earl has twice brought forward this subject in the

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British house of lords. His first proposition to that! grave assembly was, to address his majesty to interpose his gracious and paternal interference to allay. the discontents subsisting in the kingdom of Ireland, which threatened the dearest interests of the British empire. One principal source of Irish discontent he stated to be, that the Irish Catholicks insisted on their right of sitting in both houses of parliament, from which they are precluded by the statute law of Ireland. Another cause of offence to the people, the noble lord stated to be, that a member of the Irish house of commons had, uninvited and without any apparent necessity, started up in a debate and pronounced an absolute interdiction on the hopes and pretensions of Irish Catholicks. That another mem-› ber in the other house of parliament had equally uninvited and without necessity, started up in his place, and pronounced a sweeping condemnation on the north of Ireland. I will not take upon me to say what might have passed in the house of commons, but I do, with perfect confidence, assure the noble lord, that nothing has passed in this house, since I have had the honour of sitting in it, which can give a shade of justice to an imputation thus cast on one of its members. The noble earl, if we are to credit written and verbal reports, for the authenticity of which I can in some sort vouch, has recently again brought forward the same subject in the same assembly, when without making a distinct proposition upon it, he certainly did in the acceptation of plain understandings pronounce a sweeping condemnation upon every department of the state, civil and military, in the kingdom of Ireland; when he did in the acceptation of plain understandings represent the executive government as acting wantonly on a sys. tem of insult and barbarity against an innocent and unoffending people, and the army of Ireland as active instruments in carrying it into rigorous and unrelenting execution. And let me here, with the unfeigned respect which I feel for the name and character of a liberal and high minded gentleman and a gallant sol

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