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all, loyal to the government of its own choice and creation.

That word loyal, implying faithfulness to the law, is a good, old fashioned word, though somewhat out of use, owing to the low and lax views which prevail on the subject, and to that spirit of insubordination which stands ready to beat down the law at every convenient or plausible opportunity. The journalists, humanitarians, metaphysicians and clergymen of the radical or destructive school, have no conception of loyalty as a sentiment, nor any comprehension of its power as a moral force, in giving unity and strength to a great nation. To the followers of Clootz and "human nature," the word is almost entirely unknown; for in their devotion to general but indiscreet philanthropy, and the development of "human nature' on a large scale, they forget their fealty to their own government and country. They can not be "representatives of human nature and loyal citizens at the same time. The most moderate of them attach but little importance to the inherent sacredness of government, and allow it no binding force, except that which is derived from expediency. Rulers are only agents entrusted with certain powers, and society is degraded into a mere contract for mutual preservation. Under such a low and groveling theory, government loses its authority over the hearts and consciences of men; its security depends only upon the prejudices and conflicting passions of the governed. The true and loyal citizen takes a more elevated view of the relations which exist between him and the government, which he regards as a divinely

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ordained institution, clothed with the privileges and majesty of the authority it represents. He is slow to set himself up against the powers that be, or to array his private opinions in hostile conflict against the supreme decrees of the nation. That sentiment of loyalty which controls him in friendship, in love, in religion, which keeps him always faithful to his plighted faith, and the honest instincts of his nature, he recognizes and applies in the higher and more responsible relations which he holds to the republic. Without such a sentiment in the hearts of the people, the structure of civilized life has no secure foundation, and the majestic shelter of the law becomes a mere shadow.

UNITY AND THE UNION.

We can not believe that the earnest devotion to and love of country which once animated our fathers, has yet entirely died away. We can see no coherent and logical reason why our people should fall away in a mass, from the patriotic influences of their youth and the cherished principles on which they owe allegiance to the general government and to the Union of the confederated states. France has waded through the blood of many revolutions; Saxons, Normans, the Scotch, and some of the other Celtic races, have had fierce internal conflicts in the North of Europe; but the unity of great nationalities has never been substantially impaired, nor have the brave and sympathetic bonds which have bound Frenchman to France and the Anglo-Saxon-Celtic Englishman to the United Kingdom

of Great Britain, ever been seriously and permanently broken. Their discords, family quarrels and intestine wars left deep wounds to heal; but no absolute and eternal severance of nationality was ever effected, because the people always came back to the organized and fundamental principles without which no great nation can live. Is it possible that the great American nation can be broken like a wisp of straw, or that it can be shattered by a single blow into ruin and petty but perhaps belligerent republics?

Can these things happen to us in this epoch of an advancing civilization, and when the world seems to be growing better in knowledge, charity, and Christian benevolence, advancing not so much in the spirit which once wrought with the sword for whatever was considered virtue and truth, but in chaster and more peaceful culture which inculcates those elevated and refined principles of justice, truth, mercy and love, which dignify and ennoble human nature? What will become of our proper and just national pride, if the link of the chain of mutual forbearance and self-restraint should be severed, and a great gulf separate states and brothers? Will the American feel better pleased with himself in the European capitals, the centres of consolidated empires; will not the blush of shame rise on his cheek when he visits Italy and beholds her reunited in those natural ties of race and affection which can only bind together a civilized and indepondent nation?

If the real sentiments of the voters in the United States could be proclaimed this day, and all selfishness, prejudice, obstinate and impractical theories, be mode

rated — could every man be free to act with unperverted common sense and manly independence, unrestrained by the exactions of violent partisans, peace and union would assert themselves with enthusiasm.

But there is an influence abroad that is at work bringing forth discord, confusion, and perhaps ultimate ruin. There is a spirit which strikes down everything that is good, noble and generous; which prefers selfishness and personal advancement to every other consideration; which to advance ambition would destroy the Unionwould seize upon every noble impulse and even the instinctive love of liberty itself, as a means of making discord, and gaining power; which would prevent reconciliation and fair compromises, through the lust of self-aggrandisement. It is the teaching of fanatics who would destroy what they cannot control. It is the false hue and cry of the so-called, but pretended friends of freedom, who have insidiously and persistently trampled upon the constitution and corrupted public senti

ment.

But we have a horror of believing that the Abolitionists, or their sly, intriguing cousins, the extreme anti-compromise Republicans, will finally and forever prevail against the bonds of civil strength and the defense of constitutional rights. This is a truth which can never diminish, it should gather force day by day; for it quickens the duty of all honest and single-hearted citizens to renew their pledges of fidelity and loyalty to their common country. What true man can look at the excitement, confusion and fanaticism, which now prevail in congress, as the representative of the section

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alism which extends throughout the country at large, without feeling prompted to new exertions for the maintenance of that land in which he rejoices and glories with a faith once unfaltering? The spasmodic

struggle of those intriguers whose patriotism is bounded by degrees of latitude, and who do not pretend to conceal their hatred and contempt towards other sections of the country, should prompt every good citizen to enter into a new and stern crusade against sectional opinions, geographical prejudices, and local ideas.

THE SPHERE OF LEGISLATORS.

We have always thought that a legislator should address himself chiefly to the practical duties of his office. It is his business to make the laws and mould the policy of the nation, as much as it is the business of the baker to make bread, or of the builder to erect houses. Not that we measure him by the quantity so much as by the quality of his work; but work he must with the energy, assiduity and skill which are required of any mechanic or professional man. When the English parliament assembles, its members go to work like men they grapple with the difficulties before them in a manly and business like fashion; ministers and members of the opposition alike meet the issues presented, in a short but fair fight. If the issue be vital, one party or the other goes down, and there is a fresh appeal to the wishes of the people. If the battle be one of details rather than of outlines, of policy rather than principle, the members don't stop to fight about

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