most a hundred years, and nearly half of the bishops of Africa were numbered among them. In a council at Carthage, in 401, Augustine gained distinction as their adversary; but it was not till ten years later that the great final conference was held there, in which the imperial commissioner Marcellinus, after three days of free discussion, delivered a conclusive judgment in favour of the Catholics. The credit of this triumph is ascribed to the eloquence of Augustine; and he did not hesitate, according to the ecclesiastical principles of that and much later ages, to pursue his advantage by the employment of the temporal sword. While he was thus occupied, Pelagius began to disseminate the opinions which are still known by his name; and he too found his most formidable antagonist in the Bishop of Hippo. Augustine then plunged into the subjects of grace and predestination with his accustomed ardour; and, in his vehement attacks upon the imperfect faith of his opponent, he has not escaped the charge of deviating into the opposite error of fatalism. In the midst of these various controversies, he still found leisure and energy to contend with the followers of Priscillian and Origen; and perhaps his most noble work, "On the City of God," was composed against the heathen. But the close of his long life was disturbed by another description of enemy. In 429 Count Boniface introduced Genseric and his Vandals into Africa, who, in the following year, after committing many devastations, laid siege to Hippo. The bishop did not live to witness the calamities of his flock. On August 28, 430, in the third month of the siege, he died in Hippo.

The commanding power which Augustine possessed over the minds of his contemporaries may be ascribed to some rare combinations which distinguished his own mind. With strong passion, he united mildness and humanity; with authority, much deference to the feelings of those over whom it was exereised; with a large expanse of intellect, perfect logical strictness. The same is the character of his writings. In the same work, often in the same page, we find him sublime and almost puerile, giving loose to the full stream of a rapid imagination and deep piety, and then arguing with African subtilty, or canvassing some minute scruple. He remained to the end of his life almost ignorant of Greek and entirely so of Hebrew, and his theological acquirements were not profound. But his oral eloquence was of the most effective description, for it embodied the heat and earnestness of religious feeling, together with great rhetorical talents, cultivated by a rhetorical education. And if his taste degenerated as his life advanced, his later discourses may have been better suited to the intellectual condition of his hearers. His habits were simple and frugal, but without any affectation 131

of austerity. His works are very numerous. The most celebrated are those "De Doctrinâ Christianâ ;"" De Civitate Dei;" "De Anima et ejus Origine;" "Contra Pelagium et Coelestium de Gratia Christi," &c.; "De Fide et Operibus;" the "Confessions;" and the "Retractations." The "Confessions" were published about the year 400, and contain a vivid picture of the passions, perplexities, errors, vices, and inward conflicts of his earlier life. His books on grace and faith have supplied the church with an unfailing source of evangelical piety, even during its worst ages. The Benedictine edition of the works of Augustine, published at Paris in 1679, in 11 vols. folio, was republished at Antwerp, by T. le Clerc, in 1700-3, with the valuable addition of an 66 Appendix Augustiniana."

The "Confessions" are divided into thirteen books. The first ten of these are chiefly personal, though interspersed with some extraneous matter and many remarks not immediately suggested by the events related; the other three contain reflections on the earlier part of Genesis. The eleventh book opens with a very solemn prayer for divine aid and illumination for that purpose. The calamities of the empire were ascribed by the Pagans to the destruction of their idols through the prevalence of Christianity. The first object of the "City of God" was to overthrow this notion. This work consists of twenty-two books. Of these the first ten are employed in assailing the foundations of Paganism, or the City of the Dæmon; the other twelve in establishing those of the Christian religion, or the City of God. Considerable historical knowledge, as well as rhetorical talent, is displayed in this production, which became, indeed, the storehouse whence the subsequent opponents of Paganism derived their arguments. It is said that Charlemagne made it his constant study, and that Charles the Sage heaped rewards on the first who presented it to him translated into French. Several valuable passages of classical authors, especially of Cicero, are preserved in it. The "Retractations of Augustine are among the latest of his writings. In this remarkable production he passes in review his numerous publications, designating each by its title and its first words, and marking its date and the occasion on which he composed it. After admitting, in the Preface, his liability to error, in his earlier and even in his later days, he proceeds to explain some passages, either in themselves obscure, or which, through plausible misinterpretation, might give occasion to unfavourable inferences. He softens some harsh expressions, corrects some mistakes, and supplies several omissions. His "Letters," amounting to two hundred and seventy, and extending from A.D. 386 to the year of his death, contain much information valuable

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are fewer than those of the Augusti. The first who received this title was Livia, the wife of Augustus, but not till after her husband's death. She was adopted by his will into the Julian Gens, as his daughter, and was empowered to take the name of Augusta. The emperors' wives, both on their own medals and on those of their husbands, are never called "uxores," but only AVG. or AVGVSTA. The title Augusta by itself on an imperial medal may be taken as a proof that the woman who is there commemorated was the wife of an emperor; for when a sister, daughter, or mother received the title, the word "soror," 'filia," or "mater" is added.

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The name Augusta was also given to colonies which were founded by Augustus and his successors, but the name was generally connected with the name of the place: thus there were Augusta Bilbilis, Augusta Emerita, in Spain; Augusta Vindelicorum, the modern Augsburg, and many others. The corresponding title of Greek towns was Zeßaσrn. (Suetonius, Octavian. Augustus, c. 7; Tacitus, Annal. i. 8; Rasche, Lexicon Rei Numariæ; and Eckhel, Doctrin. Num. Vet. viii., where the subject is fully explained.) G. L. AUGUSTUS, CAIUS JULIUS CÆSAR OCTAVIA'NUS, was born at Velitræ, on the 23rd of September, B.C. 63, in the consulship of M. Tullius Cicero and Caius Antonius. He was the son of Caius Octavius and Atia, who was the daughter of Julia, the younger sister of the Dictator Cæsar. Caius Octavius, the son, was adopted by the testament of his great uncle the Dictator, after whose death he took the name of Cæsar, retaining however, according to the Roman custom, in the modified name Octavianus, the memorial of the Octavian Gens to which he belonged. It was not till after the battle of Actium, and in the year B.C. 27, that he assumed the name of Augustus, by which he is now best known. The name Octavius does not appear on any of his medals, nor that of Octavianus.

His father C. Octavius, who had been governor of Macedonia, died soon after his return to Rome from his province, when his son was about four years of age. C. Octavius was in his childhood named Thurinus, because his father had dispersed near Thurii a body of men who were partisans of Catiline. This name was subsequently dropped, and only remembered by his enemies as a term of ridicule; but the fact of the name is confirmed by Suetonius, who says that the Emperor Hadrian made him a present of a small bust of Octavius which bore the name Thurinus. His tutor was C. Toranius, who had been Edile with his father, and afterwards was Prætor. Toranius lost his life in the proscriptions of the year B.C. 43, and his former ward, though not the immediate cause of his death, consented to it.

His tender years were watched over by his grandmother Julia while she lived. He was a feeble child, and was nurtured with great care. His mother took for her second husband L. Marcius Philippus (Consul B.C. 56), who treated him as a father and superintended his education. Octavius was inured to the manly exercises of the Roman youth, and his mind was disciplined in the best studies of the day. He showed from his early years a great capacity, and the prudence and foresight which characterised his subsequent career. Philippus and his mother were constant in inquiring from his teachers and guardians about his progress and his conduct, and they had a daily account of his behaviour. This scrupulous care, combined with his own good sense, secured Octavius against the licentious life of the Roman youths, and laid the foundation of those regular habits which contributed to his political success. In his twelfth year he pronounced, according to the Roman fashion, a funeral oration in honour of his grandmother Julia, and in due time he assumed the toga virilis, the symbol of the attainment of the age of legal maturity. But he was still watched with the same care by his anxious mother, and though in fact emancipated from legal control, he still paid to her the dutiful obedience of a son.

The defeat of Pompeius at the battle of Pharsalus, B.C. 48, opened a brilliant career to Octavius. His great uncle the Dictator Cæsar had no children, and the power which he had acquired seemed destined to be the inheritance of the young Octavius. The age at which he assumed the toga virilis is differently stated, but probably it was after the battle of Pharsalus, and at the same time he was created a member of the College of Pontifices, in the place of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who lost his life at Pharsalus, fighting on the side of Pompey. Octavius wished to accompany the Dictator in his African expedition, B.C. 47-46, but the fears of his mother, and the care of his uncle for his health, which was still feeble, kept him at home. But he appeared in the triumph of the Dictator, B.C. 46, and he gained the favourable opinion of the Romans by using his influence with the Dictator to obtain the pardon of several of his political opponents, and among them of Agrippa's brother, who had been a friend of Cato, and was taken prisoner in the African war. Marcus Agrippa is now mentioned for the first time as the friend of young Octavius. He had been brought up with him, and continued through life his faithful adherent. Illness prevented Octavius from accompanying the Dictator in his Spanish campaign of the year B.C. 45, but he joined him in Spain, probably after the battle of Munda (17th of March, B.C. 45). It is said that an omen which occurred in Spain determined the Dictator to adopt Octavius and to make him his

heir. He had always shown great affection to his nephew, and during the illness of Octavius, which preceded the Dictator's Spanish expedition, he had manifested the greatest solicitude about his recovery. Octavius accompanied the Dictator on his return to Italy, and entered Rome before him. The pretended Marius met him with a large train at the Janiculum, and urged him to admit the justice of his claim as a relation of the Julian Gens; but the prudence and caution of Octavius did not fail him on this occasion. He politely rejected all communication with the pretender and referred him to the Dictator as the head of the family and the administrator of the Roman State, saying that his decision would determine the opinion of everybody else. [AMATIUS.] Before his Spanish triumph, in the year B.C. 45, the Dictator made his will. His plan was to carry his conquests into the East, and he thought it prudent to provide a successor in case of his death. By his will he made Octavius his heir, and adopted him into the family of the Cæsars. Shortly after the triumph, Octavius went to Apollonia in Epirus, with Marcus Agrippa and Q. Salvidienus Rufus. Troops were collecting here for the projected Parthian war, and Octavius employed the interval before the expected arrival of the Dictator in prosecuting his studies under his teachers Apollodorus and Theogenes, who accompanied him. The Octavii were only of equestrian rank, though they were rich and of high antiquity: the father of young Octavius was the first member of the family who attained the senatorian rank. The Dictator, who had provided a successor to maintain his family and his name, took the precaution of raising him to the class of the Patricii: this was effected by a Lex Cassia, while Octavius was staying at Apollonia. The same honour was conferred on others at the same time. Cæsar also named Octavius his Magister Equitum for the year B.C. 43.

On the Ides of March, B.C. 44, the Dictator was assassinated in the senate-house, and Octavius, on receiving the news, set out for Italy, with Agrippa and a few attendants. He landed at Lupiæ, near Brundisium, early in April, and, after visiting Brundisium, proceeded through Campania to Rome, where he found everything in confusion, and Marcus Antonius, who was then consul, in possession of the money and papers of the Dictator. Marcius Philippus advised him to renounce the inheritance of his uncle, but Octavius rejected the advice, and made the formal declaration of acceptance before the city prætor, Caius Antonius, the brother of the consul. He also assumed the name of Cæsar, in conformity to the Dictator's will, which indeed had been given to him from the time of his landing in Italy, and henceforth he is appropriately called by his adopted

name, though it is more usual to designate him by the name of Octavianus. If Cæsar from the first formed the bold design of succeeding to his uncle's power, he could not have devised better means of success than the assumption of his illustrious name. By Roman usage an adopted son was in all respects on the same footing as a son born of a man's body, and accordingly Octavius after his adoption was the representative of the Dictator, and in the eyes of the Romans his true son. There are several medals which contain on one side the head of the deceased Dictator, and on the other the head of Cæsar with an inscription to this effect-" Cæsar, the son of Divus Julius." They may not have been struck immediately after the death of the Dictator, though some of them probably belong to a time shortly after that event. The legions at Apollonia had offered Cæsar their services on his setting out for Rome, which, however, he declined; and on his road from Brundisium to Rome, the veterans from the Dictator's colonies had flocked around him, and expressed their readiness to avenge the death of their former general. Though he entered Rome merely as the claimant of the private inheritance of his uncle, he had ascertained what the feeling was towards him, and he was thus guided in his subsequent

measures.

The Dictator had left by his will a sum of money to each Roman citizen, and Cæsar declared his intention to pay the legacies and celebrate magnificent games. But Marcus Antonius, who affected to manage everything his own way, refused to give up the money or denied that he had it; he put obstacles in the way of realizing the sums necessary for the payment of the legacies: he opposed the passing of a Lex Curiata, the object of which was to give to the adoption of Cæsar whatever legal sanction it might require; and he also prevented Cæsar from being elected a tribune.

Cæsar celebrated, at his own expense, the games in honour of the completion of the temple of Venus, the ancestress of the Julian Gens, but fear of Antonius prevented him from exhibiting to the people the golden chair and crown of the Dictator. A brilliant star or meteor was visible during the celebration, which was interpreted as a token that the deceased Dictator was raised among the gods, and Cæsar confirmed the popular superstition by dedicating a bronze statue of his uncle in the temple of Venus, with a star placed above the head of the figure. The head of the Dictator crowned with a star appears on some coins and gems. The respect paid to the memory of the Dictator by his adopted son, and his cautious policy, gave him the advantage over his rival Antonius, with whom all parties were disgusted. Antonius, whose period of office was near expiring, attempted to win the popular favour by causing his brother, the tribune,

L. Antonius, to carry a measure for the divisions of land in the Pontine marshes. He also succeeded in obtaining from the senate as his province, instead of Macedonia, which had fallen to his lot, Gallia Cisalpina, which was now under the government of Decimus Brutus, one of the conspirators against Cæsar. Antonius and Cæsar were now using all their efforts to gain the advantage over each other; and the caution and prudence of the youth prevailed over his older rival. Cæsar was charged by Antonius with an attempt to assassinate him; the people believed that Antonius fabricated the charge to justify his conduct towards Cæsar, but Cicero says that all men of sense believed the charge to be true and approved of the attempt. (Cicero, Ad Fam. xii. 23.) Early in October Antonius went to Brundisium to meet the legions which had come over from Macedonia, and to lead them into Cisalpine Gaul. Cæsar also sent his agents to promise them a largess. The soldiers expected more from Antonius than from Cæsar; and when Antonius only promised them four hundred sesterces apiece, they mutinied. The disturbance was promptly quelled by the execution of some of the centurions and soldiers, and the troops were marched towards Gaul. But on arriving in the neighbourhood of Rome, many of the soldiers went over to the side of Cæsar, and the whole of the fourth and the Martial legion.

Cæsar in the mean time had gone into Campania, where he got together a considerable force, especially from Capua, the inhabitants of which were indebted to the Dictator for their lands. He professed his intention to avenge his uncle's death, and he gave every man who followed him two thousand sesterces. The soldiers whom Cæsar got together were veterans who had served under the Dictator, men devoted to his person and proud of their general. On his return to Rome, where he arrived before Antonius, he addressed the people, recapitulated the great deeds of the Dictator, spoke in modest terms of himself and attacked Antonius. He next set out into Etruria to raise more troops. Thus a youth at the age of nineteen, without any authority, and at his own expense, raised an army, with which he ventured to enter the city. No more decisive proof could be given of the feebleness of the party which had accomplished the death of the Dictator, of the wavering purpose and feebleness of the resolves of Antonius, and of the consummate policy and dissimulation of Cæsar. The aristocratical party hated both Antonius and Cæsar, but Antonius more, because they thought him the more dangerous. They were all deceived by Cæsar. Cicero, who saw him on his road to Rome in the month of April, anticipates in a letter to Atticus (xiv. 12) that the " boy's" arrival at Rome might cause some disturbance.

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Early in November he informs Atticus that Cæsar is raising troops in Campania, evidently for the purpose of opposing Antonius, and that Cæsar had requested an interview with him at Capua or in the neighbourhood. In the same month Cicero received many letters from Cæsar, who urged him to be a second time the saviour of Rome. He was acting, says Cicero, with great vigour, the towns of Campania were favourable to him, but he adds, he is still a mere boy (xvi. 11). If Cæsar succeeded, Cicero foresaw that all the measures of the late Dictator would be more firmly established, that his enemies would be completely put down: if Cæsar failed, the insolence of Antonius would be past endurance. Which of the two was the less evil he could not decide. The feeble purpose of Cicero is the expression of that of his party, for though he was not one of the Dictator's actual assassins, he saw him fall in the senate-house, he indecently exulted in his death, and he identified himself with the party of the Bruti and Cassius. Cicero wished to see Antonius ruined, and this was the sole reason for the part which he afterwards took in favour of Cæsar. In another letter to Atticus (xvi. 15), Cicero speaks of the speech of Cæsar to the people after his return to Rome from Campania, of which he had received a copy: the youth plainly aspired to the honours of his deceased uncle.

The conduct of Antonius during this struggle for popularity was vacillating, and betrayed the want of a well-concerted plan. At last the defection of the fourth legion decided him, and he hastened from Rome to his province of Cisalpine Gaul, fearing lest he might fail to find support there also, if he stayed away any longer. Decimus Brutus, who was the actual governor of Cisalpine Gaul, to which he had been appointed by the Dictator, refused to give up the province to Antonius: he affected to hold it for the senate and the Roman people. Cæsar hated Decimus Brutus and Antonius equally, but the time was not yet come for avenging his uncle's death, and he accordingly made proposals to aid Decimus if he would keep the province against Antonius. The senate passed a vote of thanks to Decimus Brutus and to Cæsar, and the soldiers who had deserted Antonius. Cicero, who had been wavering, now came forward as the supporter of the "boy Octavian," and spoke strongly in his favour before the senate. On the 2nd of January, B.C. 43, Cæsar was invested with the rank of Proprætor, and commissioned to command the troops which he had raised: he received the rank of Prætor, and with it the privilege of voting in the senate; the law also which limited the age for attaining the consulship was so far repealed as to allow him to enjoy the office ten years before the legal age. Hirtius and Pansa