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grown up a body of misconceptions concerning him which may almost be said to constitute a myth.

It is the purpose of this volume to bring together such selections from Jefferson's writings as will best illustrate his views on questions of large importance then and now. Its purpose, frankly, is to play some part in the destruction of the myth by making Jefferson better known to a generation which has need of him as the most significant interpreter of Americanism, in terms, too, of the best of Anglo-Saxon liberal principles and traditions. For, in spite of all misunderstanding, it remains a fact that he has influenced American political thought and political ideals more profoundly than any other man in our history. And in a day when we are at times seemingly in grave danger of forgetting the American principles for which he stood, there is profit as well as pleasure and satisfaction in studying him as intimately revealed by himself.

The pleasure and profit are both increased by the fact that Jefferson's letters, and other writings, valuable as they are for the light they throw on American history of his period, belong not at all to a dead past, but are significant documents of a living present. They bear a clear relation to the problems of to-day and are as illuminating as any contemporary political writings could be. Not as dry source material, then, are they to be regarded, but as living, in many cases immortal, discussions of enduring problems of American life.

Obviously, in the case of so versatile, so manysided, a man as Jefferson, the choice of subjects for emphasis is difficult. An attempt to include selections which should illustrate the whole range of his

interests speedily proved impossible of achievement in any reasonable space. It, therefore, seemed the better method to limit somewhat the field of discussion and to include selections most revealing of the heart and mind of the man, and of his views regarding a smaller number of subjects. And on this basis the extracts were chosen.

In them will be found a great deal which will reveal the man Jefferson-a thoroughly human, tolerant, likable and lovable person; shy, sensitive, and reserved, but affectionate and generally beloved by those with whom he came in close contact. In them, too, will be found frank expressions of conviction in respect to religion, morals, politics, and philosophy. In them is the revelation of his deep and passionate devotion to the Constitution and the Union. In them stand revealed his views on such questions as states' rights, the judiciary, executive power, legislative power, foreign policy, the army and navy, slavery, local government, and education, to specify only the more important of the questions upon which he touched.

All of them serve to reveal the essential liberalism of the man. One might, perhaps, better say radicalism but for the connotation in the word of illiberality and intolerance, which were foreign to Jefferson's nature except on one subject. In defense of the rights of the individual, he was intolerant, gloriously so, and in the battle for them he neither asked nor gave quarter. No better thing in him can be emphasized to-day as an antidote for the type of intolerance which would impose limits, not only upon freedom of action, but upon freedom of speech and thought as well.

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The group of selections, then, is not mere literature, though real literature of the highest order it undoubtedly is. It is, in the main, discussion of matters as vital to-day as they were when he wrote. In his discussion is shown the real greatness of Jefferson. He is not merely the most important figure of a great era, but, wisest at long range of all Amerihe was a man for all time. His words do not lose their significance for each advancing age. To read them is to be convinced that there was prophetic truth in the dying words of John Adams, his close friend, 'Jefferson still survives.'

cans,

J. G. DE ROULHAC HAMILTON

THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA

CHAPEL HILL, April 22, 1926

THE BEST LETTERS OF

THOMAS JEFFERSON

To George Wythe

July, 1776 THE dignity and stability of government in all its branches, the morals of the people, and every blessing of society, depend so much upon an upright and skillful administration of justice, that the judicial power ought to be distinct from both the legislature and executive, and independent upon both, that so it may be a check upon both, as both should be checks upon that. The judges, therefore, should always be men of learning and experience in the laws, of exemplary morals, great patience, calmness and attention; their minds should not be distracted with jarring interests; they should not be dependent upon any man or body of men. To these ends they should hold estates for life in their offices, or, in other words, their commissions should be during good behavior, and their salaries ascertained and established by law.

For misbehavior, the grand inquest of the colony, the house of representatives, should impeach them before the governor and council, when they should

1 George Wythe, 1726-1806, one of the most potent influences in Jefferson's intellectual life, who was his teacher of law. He was a signer of the Declaration of Independence.