Fr. Then, by the sacred Sabbath L. S. O no, sir, not that oath; my dad would kill me. L. S. O any other but that-I'll swear to the first one rather; but not to this-no not to this. Fr. Then by the just claims couched in "Scottish Rights " L. S. We don't believe in that-it were no use. Fr. Then what do you and Daddy, sir, BELIEVE in? in BRUCE ? L. S. O, he is a very good sort of fellow in his way— Fr. A very good sort of fellow in his way? what can the urchin mean 1-(wrathfully)-swear by the SOUL OF BRUCE. L. S. O, sir, that would be a very little oath-he has more paunch than head-more tongue than soul. Fr. Oh, I see; he has got among his devils in the printing office —come, sirrah, swear by the souls of Wallace and of Bruce. L. S. Oho! is that your Bruce? I'll swear by these at once, for they were Scotsmen brave and good, like us. Fr. Oh, shades of the departed!"like us!" [Friend to Educator] Let us burn the heretics-" LIKE US!" Ed. No, no! What? talk of burning in the nineteenth century? Fr. Oh, it is all for the "fun" of the thing, and as illustrating the metaphorical sense, in our imagination of things, by a practical illustration. All is right, so here goes. It will do them no harm; it is the only way to get at their spirit, if they have any, and who doubts that? Ed. Do with them as you please, I am content; they have wreaked their spite, and have done what mischief they could-these things have no corner in their souls for TRUTH or HONOUR. [Friend takes "big Scottie" and " wee Scottie" between his finger and thumb delicately, and drops them into the fire.] Fr. There! they have their deserts, and soon will come to their original nothingness. How they do smoke!-that must be from their inherently malign disposition. Now they blaze merrily. Ed. Take care they do not set my chimney vent on fire. Fr. Oh, the ingrates! that's just the trick they are trying-father and son true to their nature, so malevolent, would not only rejoice to fire your vent, but if they could would fire your whole good city. Ed. There is much of combustible spirit in the Dad-you had better quench him. [Friend lifts the remains of "big Scottie," off the fire with the tongs, and sets his foot upon him.] Fr. Ay, that is safest-putting the heel upon him. Now, that is that "So much for Buckingham!" But, my dear friend, now that our jest is out, [pointing to the quenched paper,], let me console you from an honest source. Here-read these letters-they will do your heart good, and your head, too, friend, for they have scorned to flatter. [Educator, with some emotion, reads.] They debit you for many faults of style in prose and verse, but credit you for weighty sterling thought, striking a balance greatly in your favour. Bah! how your commercial atmosphere citizenises my castern tongue. [Educator handing back the packet.] Ed. My heart warms towards your friends. They give me, as it were, a firm slap on the right shoulder, crying, "pull up!" but with so kindly, so frank, so cheering a lustre in their eye that so far from being in any way offended, as they fear, I thank them from my heart. Fr. [Rubbing his hands joyously.] I did right-I knew it-to show you all. Ed. You did; I feel it to be the act of a true friend. Such generous criticism as these men write heats up whatever metal of thought may be in my soul, and persuades my judgment of the greatly important nature of the task-to select with tasteful care the best moulds into which to pour it. Fr. A very difficult and trying thing. In all that we fashion first, how many flaws? Ed. Ah! I know that; but knowledge alone in this case does not confer the power to conquer the defect. Experience, time, practice, with this knowledge ever present in the head, brings round the desired end, and if we can, we may secure it. Those serpent-toothed critics, so rife now-a-days, can never, with all the wisdom which serpents are reputed to have, instruct you to a true sense of what is good or bad, beautiful or ugly, sublime or ridiculous in the range of poetry or prose. Fr. You are right in your conclusion. How many of those selfconstituted critics are but ABORTIVE INTELLIGENCES that haunt the "shady and resounding groves" of literature! Pluck your true spirit unto you, and despise them. Remember Who in these dog-days walketh in the sun, By swarms of these same gad-fly blood-suckers. Ed. Hereafter I am steel. Fr. Aha! you are too sensitive in the nerve for that, my friend. Use your philosophy, your knowledge of human nature, and your insight into the various grades of literary ability and honesty involved in that potent phrase "the press," and be as callous as you can. [Educator shaking his friend by the hand.] Ed. A strengthening comfort comes from your lips. Fr. How goes the time? [Looking his watch starts]-My time is up! [buttoning]-I shall have a run for it. Ed. I am with you-[preparing to accompany.] Fr. Nay, you will clog me. Good night. Remember, when next we meet, our conversation shall be "ON FEMALE EDUCATION." Ed. Adieu-I'll not forget. [Exeunt. IMAGINARY SPEECH, Supposed to be delivered in Parliament, BY THE RIGHT HON. THE MINISTER OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, Supposed to have been appointed. Mr SPEAKER, SIR, I rise with no ordinary anxiety to discharge a conscience-duty-to submit to the House a Scheme of Education for the poorest classes of Her Majesty's subjects. I confess that it is with some fear and trembling for my own ability that I now stand up to redeem my pledge-to lay before you a measure commensurate with the wants of those concerned and with the vast importance of the subject. I feel it to be a responsibility, however, under which, if my tongue falters, my hearts beats proudly with the consciousness of having devoted my whole mind faithfully and fearlessly to the consideration of the subject. But I disclaim the presumption of thinking that any one mind can pretend so perfectly to gather up a scheme of so momentous a nature as not to be open to improvement. I therefore call upon the assembled wisdom of this House to aid me with its judgment -to assist me with its counsels. The measure proposed will, I trust, be found to consult the social well-being of the entire kingdom. The scheme is simple, but involves much for your most patient consideration. University Reform-Normal and Burgh School Extension, etc.—all must "bide their time." Their time will come-but this measure for the Education of the poorest classes must take precedence. The piteous case of those who cannot or will not educate themselves-cries not loudly, for they are too far sunk in needy and vicious ignorance to clamour for themselves-but deeply, in the still small voice of reason and conscience, for immediate relief. The poorest of the rich have been well endowed by considerate friends-the poorest of the poor have no friends-the State must be their donor, their guardian. I am persuaded that long before this century shall have closed a new era of social and political progress shall have dawned upon the British Islands, and the great instrument towards this anticipated good lies in Education. This is the sun of progress that must blaze over our nation's head. This is the divine summary of the principles of human advancement, whose genial influence alone can ameliorate the hard conditions clinging to poverty and vice. But we know that these hate the light with the spirit of the fallen Adam-we must solicit, we must shame them forth to feel and enjoy its beams;-I had nearly said compel them forth, but that, in this free country, even among this needy and vicious class of British subjects, we would not willingly interfere with the parent's right of choice in the disposal of their children; but if they will not fulfil the requirements of the State when she stretches out a liberal and feeling hand to bless them, WE MUST COMPEL BY LAW. But the scheme for which I now agitate involves in its successful execution the spirit of no common crusade. It cannot be disguised that it is with rags and filth, vice and corruption, that the Educator will have to grapple at the outset. Inglorious mission! some may exclaim; leave such alone. What! to rot in their own filthiness for lack of better knowledge, to follow their own vicious practices for want of knowing any higher aim than low or bestial gratification? Take away those filthy rags and cleanse that smoked skin, and is it not of the same hue, as fine, as delicate, as human as yours or mine? Educate that sinister-looking, cunning little savage, and that pale, half-nourished, sickly, high-browed boy, and do they not manifest the same clear unmistakeable types of a capable intelligence as our own children? Yes, underneath all this deformity and dirt, an immortal soul has its existence-or rather is imprisoned by the bolts and bars of ignorance and vice-on which we have only to shed the light and warmth of a generous education, and the prison-house becomes a temple. I know not, Mr Speaker, if there has ever been a subject before the House so clearly set apart-by its very nature, from anything like party strife or envious contention. You will be called upon as men, as Christians, as lovers of your country and your kind, to deliberate upon the adoption of a scheme, which has for its aim THE EMANCIPATION OF SEVERAL MILLIONS OF BRITISH SUBJECTS from the degrading bonds of ignorance and crime; and shedding light, and comfort, and happiness in the enjoyment of which, lies the true freedom of the free-on the brows of the desperate, the necessitous, the poorly rewarded of weary toil. My aim is to impress upon this House-to its fervent adoption, I trust the sentiment, or rather the doctrineas I confess that in my own mind I entertain it as an axiom leading straight to the portals of a great redeeming truth-that Education is the heritage of every British subject, binding upon the parent, the guardian, the employer, or the State. But the scheme for accomplishing this great work is beset with no common difficulties; an opinion largely prevails not only in this and the Upper House, but likewise with a considerable body of the influential and well-meaning public, that no educational measure should be passed by Her Majesty's Ministers that does not embrace RELIGION. I too assent to this-God forbid! that we should ignore the PRINCIPLE OF RELIGION. Religion we hold to be so specially inherent in the very nature of man, that he who has had no education in this particular, may truly be said to be but HALF EDUCATED. No; God forbid, that we should build upon the principle of discarding religion--no, that cannot be but we leave the measure of it to the educator, holding him accountable for pernicious doctrines or examples that may threaten to sap the principles of the moral nature. If there be a bigotry which may beset this scheme in the opposition given to it by religionists, as being only a sort of half-measure in their eyes, I am aware that in opposition they will not stand alone. There is a bigotry as zealous, as rampant, as intolerant, to be feared from the non-religionists. The sublime and elevating truths of the Christian religion-of the being of a God, of a Redeemer, of the accountability of the soul and of its immortality, MUST BE TAught. Christian morality must be taught, must be acted upon-not the less effectually because not formally, but incidentally; our laws and usages are based upon Christian principles, our social manners are couched in this one phrase -Christian Morality. But, Mr Speaker, our scheme subscribes to the dogmatism of no party. I feel that the State in this question dare not dogmatise. It would be unwise to risk the great and positive good by an admixture which would, undoubtedly, be the means of causing thousands to avert their heads from this proffered blessing. That it would be inserting a bone of bitter contention, none doubt; for even as it agitates and splits into parties the educational structures of upper society, so would it here. A whole session of valuable time and opportunity might be sacrificed to the discussion of the nature, amount, and form of the religious instruction and yet nothing be satisfactorily resolved-but the breach of impracticability made wider, and men's minds and passions heated to that pitch of zeal, which is ever dogmatic and intolerant. For heaven's sake, Mr Speaker, if it were only for the chance-not to insist on the strong likelihood-of this our measure solving the great and vital problem of the cause of so mnch social degradation -let us not split upon differences of sect, and keep wrangling after an unattainable harmony of opinion, on the less or the more of the religious element-or this measure, like its forerunners, will be choked by religious impracticability. Can Christian men allow the human soul to starve for lack of knowledge because they are not satisfied with the religious formulas? Forbid it, Justice-forbid it, Mercy-forbid it, thou kind and liberal-thou large-hearted conscience of our common humanity! Let us then, overleaping prejudice and the narrow views of sect, legislate to obtain the largest amount of practical good. I have not asked myself what measure the Bishops will pass in the Upper House-what the High Church party, or what the Low Church party. No, Mr Speaker, this is not a scheme which stands upon the poor respect of any class or sect. I have put it, as I maintain it ought to be put, on an independent footing, claiming the support, the strenuous God-speed, word and vote, of all-and that, as a right, a sacred and inviolable right, of the poorest of the poor being educated by that State which claims control over their actions. And now, Mr Speaker, permit me to dwell shortly on the vital object of our scheme-the Education of the Poor-for which this, at first thought, large grant is demanded. The object of our scheme is to reclaim those stagnant marshes of ignorance, those rank fens of crime and moral degradation, whose noisome breath preys with pestiferous power upon the very heart and life's blood of the healthier bodies of society-to reclaim the baleful and malignant waste, productive only of evil, and where the rank rush and poison-weed grew-where the spotted toad squatted |