him; and we hope that the concern for national character, from which Louis Philippe rejected a proposition to confiscate the private property of the exiles of 1830, will find an echo in the bosoms of the French people :

'I confess,' said Louis Philippe, I had a strong repugnance to sanction the confiscation of 24,000l. a-year, the private property of a proscribed family. It is for the dignity of France that this family should not be reduced to receive alms from strangers.'-Capefigue, ix. 306.

Louis Philippe trusted, we are assured, his whole fortune to France, and we hope the new Revolution does not destine him and his family-nor the innocent survivors of the elder branch--(which now indeed would be a world-revolting cruelty)—to live on the alms of strangers. England, generous as she is to all classes of misfortune, would rather be relieved from the poor triumph of offering pecuniary assistance to the Prince de Joinville. It will be enough to afford him protection, as long as he may desire it, from the passions of that people which, in his boyish craving for popularity, he endeavoured to excite against us.

We repeat it the contrast between the late departure and that of Charles X. is in fact honourable to Louis Philippeand a better founded reproach against him would be, we think, that he rather too much resembled Charles X. in the crisis of his fate. Charles and the Duke d'Angoulême were, we think, not unjustly reproached for their personal inertness-for not having headed their troops and taken a part in defence of their crown and kingdom in July, 1830. Had they met that revolt like men of foresight, or grappled with it like men of spirit, it would have fallen before them. We make the same reproach, with equal regret and still more conviction of its justice, against Louis Philippe. If, instead of dismissing M. Guizot, who was the representative-and, as he would both reign and govern, only the organ-of his own policy, the King had on the Wednesday, or even on the Thursday morning, shown but one hour of the same calm front and active intrepidity that he had displayed on his former trials, he would, we cannot but think, have triumphed more easily than he had done before. Dis aliter visum!

We now revert to the course of events in Paris; and first, as to the policy of the abdication, we beg leave to reproduce the remarks made by us fifteen years ago, on the subject of the abdication of Charles X.:

A theorist has said, and phrasemongers have repeated, that "history is philosophy teaching by example." Alas! such examples never teach.

The

The utter and even ridiculous failure of Buonaparte's abdication-if history could teach conduct-should have warned Charles of the utter inefficiency of such a course for any good purpose. It forfeits de facto and de jure the existing rights, without conferring one jot of authority on the intended successor.'-Q. R., v. xlix. p. 483.

Could any one have believed that this weak device, the concluding blunder of the reigns of Napoleon and Charles, was also to be that of Louis Philippe. Alas! examples never teach.' The abdication was simply in favour (!) of the Count de Paris, and there existed a law conferring the regency on the Duke of Nemours, but the Thiers-Barrot ministry proposed to substitute for him the Duchess of Orleans. As soon as the King had consummated his abdication, M. Dupin, a member, we presume, of the new cabinet, hastened to present their puppets-the infant (Louis-Philippe II.) and the intended Regent, attended by the Duke of Nemours, the legal Regent-to the Chamber of Deputies, where they hoped no doubt to have the Duchess's regency and their own power sanctioned and confirmed-not, in the blindness of their ambition and presumption, anticipating that the Frankenstein that had overthrown M. Guizot and expelled the King could fail to respect the sanctity of the representative Chamber and its patriot orators. The scenes that ensued are so essentially characteristic of the new revolution that we must give them in some extracts from the most impartial papers :

'The Chamber of Deputies was to have met at three o'clock, but, the events of the morning having deranged the order of business, the President took the chair at one o'clock-that being the time at which the bureaux ought to have met. There were about three hundred Deputies present.

'About half-past one the Duchess of Orleans, and the two Princes her sons, entered the Chamber, followed by the Duke of Nemours. The Count of Paris was led in first. With difficulty he penetrated as far as the semicircle in front of the President's chair, so crowded was it with Deputies and National Guards. The Duchess seated herself in an arm-chair, with a son at each side of her, in that space.

Immediately after, the passages to the various parts of the Chamber were filled with an immense body of the people and national guards, both armed. Cries of "You cannot enter!""You have no right to enter!" were heard; but the next moment a number of people forced their way into the Chamber, and placed themselves under the tribune, surrounding and pressing upon the Duchess, who retreated, taking the young Princes by the hand, to the range of seats behind the Deputies, and in front of the President. The Duke de Nemours and the suite placed themselves immediately behind the Princess and her sons. The greatest agitation prevailed, and it was a moment after increased by the public tribunes having been invaded by another body of the people. 'M. Dupin,

'M. Dupin, who came with the Duchess, ascended the tribune amidst deep silence, and said, "In the present situation of the capital and of the country, the Chamber was bound to assemble immediately. The King has abdicated. He has disposed of the crown in favour of his grandson, the Count of Paris; and has constituted the Duchess of Orleans Regent." (Applause from all the centre and some of the public tribunes, with loud disapprobation on the left.)

'A voice (from one of the tribunes): "It is too late!"

'A violent agitation and opposition to this proposition here arose. A number of Deputies collected round the Duchess of Orleans and the rest of the royal group. National guards without ceremony mingled with the Deputies.

'After the tumult had in some degree subsided, M. Marie said, "The position of the people had changed since the morning, and, as the regency had been already given by law to the Duke de Nemours, it could not be transferred to the Duchess. A Provisional Government ought to be nominated, for the purpose of consulting with the two Chambers on the necessity of satisfying the wishes of the country." After a few words in support of this proposal from M. Crémieux and the Abbé Génoude [a Legitimist], M. Barrot, who had just entered, made an appeal on behalf of the Count of Paris and the Duchess of Orleans, during which the Duchess herself attempted to speak. M. de Larochejacquelin [we need hardly say a Legitimist] followed, in a temperate but firm speech, insisting on the right of the people themselves to decide on a future form of Government. M. Michel Chevallier [one of the crowd, and editor of a newspaper] then ascended the tribune, but was violently interrupted, during the few phrases he uttered, on the score of not being a member. While he was speaking, another crowd broke into the Chamber dressed in the most heterogeneous manner-some in blouses, with dragoon's helmets on their heads; others with cross-belts and infantry-caps; others in ordinary clothes; but all with arms-swords, lances, spears, muskets-and tri-coloured banners. They at once seized on such seats as were unoccupied; several even ascended the tribune. The President, to mark his disapprobation of their proceedings, put on his hat. This created a dreadful uproar, and the cry of "Off with your hat, President!" broke from the new-comers. Several of them even directed their muskets at him. The scene was one of almost unimaginable violence.

M. Ledru-Rollin, from his place, overpowering the tumult with his voice, called, in the name of the people, for silence. A number of the Deputies now withdrew, and the crowd took possession of their places. The tumult was tremendous. The Duchess of Orleans, however, sat calmly amidst the uproar, and M. de Nemours conducted himself with great coolness and propriety. After some time, M. Ledru-Rollin succeeded in making himself heard. In the name of the people, he protested against the kind of Government which had just been proposed. (Immense applause; cries of "Bravo! bravo!" from the new-comers, and their comrades in the public tribunes.) Already, in 1842, he had demanded

demanded the constitution of 1791. (Cheers.) That constitution declared that it should be necessary to make an appeal to the people whenever a Regency bill was to be passed. (The loudest applause.) He protested, therefore, against the Government that it is attempted to establish, in the name of the citizens who for the last two days had been fighting, and who would, if necessary, resume arms. (Cries of "Yes, yes;" cheers, with brandishing of arms, and, in some cases, raising of muskets to the shoulder.) He concluded by demanding, in the name of the people, a Provisional Government. (Great applause.)

M. de Lamartine followed the same line of argument as that adopted by M. Ledru-Rollin, and was continually interrupted by thunders of applause. At this moment a violent knocking was heard at the door of an upper tribune, which was not entirely filled. On the door being opened, a number of armed men rushed in. Several of them forced their way to the front seats, and pointed their muskets at the Deputies. Some of the weapons were also turned in the direction of the Royal party. The persons immediately around the Duchess and her children now endeavoured to persuade her to quit the Chamber, and in a few moments she did so, accompanied by her sons and the Duke of Nemours. They retired in the first instance to the Hôtel des Invalides, but were soon forced to flight. The Duchess and her children reached the Rhine, and the Duke of Nemours Boulogne, and thence England. At the same moment with the Duchess M. Sauzet withdrew from the President's chair, and nearly all the Deputies who had remained now quitted their places. The noise and disorder at this moment were at the greatest height. Shortly after, silence being somewhat restored, M. Ledru-Rollin said, According as I read out the names of the Provisional Government, you will say Yes' or 'No,' just as they please you; and in order to act officially (!) I call on the reporters of the public press to note down the names and the manner in which they are received, that France may know what has been done here." He then read out the names of MM. Dupont (de l'Eure), Arago, De Lamartine, Ledru-Rollin, Crémieux, Garnier-Pagès, and Marie; all except the two last were received with unanimous acclamations-Garnier-Pagès and Marie had a few negatives. Cries of "To the Hôtel de Ville!" here arose, followed by a cry of "No civil list," and another of "No King!" The next instant M. Dupont (de l'Eure) took possession of the chair. M. de Lamartine and Ledru-Rollin attempted severally to obtain a hearing, but unsuccessfully. Several of the National Guards, and some of the people, also made similar attempts, but without effect. A cry then arose in one of the tribunes of "Let Lamartine speak!" and at once all the others took it up.

M. de Lamartine: "A Provisional Government will be at once proclaimed."-Enthusiastic cries of "Vive Lamartine !"-Other voices : "The names! the names!"

'M. Crémieux, amidst great tumult: "It is essential that silence be restored, in order that our venerable colleague, M. Dupont (de l'Eure), may read to you the names which you wish to learn."-As the tumult, which had lulled for a second whilst the honourable Deputy was speak

ing, recommenced just as violently as ever, the names were written down on a sheet of paper, and that, being placed on the end of a musket, was so paraded about the Chamber.

M. Ledru-Rollin (in the midst of the noise): "A Provisional Government cannot be organised in a light or careless manner. I shall read over the names aloud, and you will approve of them, or reject them, as you think fit."—In the midst of shouts and cries the honourable Deputy read out the names, but nothing could be heard. Nearly all the Deputies had by this time departed, and the national guards and the people had the Chamber to themselves.

M. Ledru-Rollin: "We are obliged to close the sitting in order to proceed to the seat of Government."

"From all sides: "To the Hôtel de Ville! Vive la République !” 'This most extraordinary sitting was then brought to a conclusion at four o'clock. The people withdrew in the utmost tumult.'

No comment could add anything to this picture, which bears a grotesque resemblance to the foundation of the first Republic on the evening of the 10th of August, and the overthrow of the Girondins of the 2nd of June, when the National Assembly and the Convention were similarly, though not so completely, overpowered by the populace. And nothing on those more awful occasions at all approached to the ludicrous audacity of half-adozen private members who happened to be present announcing as a Provisional Government their own names, which were lost in the tumult, and only known by being hastily written on a piece of paper, and paraded at the end of a musket. Does any man in his senses believe that such an abortion can live?

The Government thus extemporized and self-appointed consisted of seven Deputies-Dupont, Lamartine, Crémieux, Arago, Ledru-Rollin, Garnier-Pagès, and Marie; and in the proclamation in which these citizens announced themselves as the provisional chiefs of the Republic it was added that they had appointed Armand Marrast, Ferdinand Flocon, Louis Blanc (all journalists), and Albert, a workman,' Secretaries to the Government. But hardly was this arrangement promulgated, when it was varied in a way that we have not seen anywhere remarked on, but which we think deserved remark. In a subsequent proclamation we find silently, without any notice, the four Secretaries signing as integral and equal members of the Provisional Government. The reason, it will be guessed, was that a Government composed of Deputies, however humble their individual claims to such a station might be, was already too aristocratical; and the four Secretaries-three of them journalists and one who, though styled a workman, had been also connected with an Opposition journal-not content with that inferior station, insisted on being members of the Government; and so we find them in all subsequent