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and audacity, brought success. On the 25th, twc days after the royal sitting, forty-seven members of the noblesse imitated the clergy in coming to join the commons: they were led by the duke of Orleans. Further resistance was vain. An order of the king now requested the majority of the noblesse to unite themselves to the assembly. “I would have no blood spilt in my quarrel," said Louis to those who expostulated. On the 27th of June, the three orders sat in the same hall. “ The family was united,” Bailly observed; “ but it gave few hopes of domestic union or tranquillity.”

Whilst the assembly, or rather its popular majority, was thus completing and strengthening itself, and all its pretensions were allowed and acquiesced in by the monarch and his minister, the extreme parties of the court aristocracy, and of the seditious demagogues, were each stirring and plotting, gathering means of activity and influence. The former besieged the king through the medium of the queen, who had already recovered from momentary weakness: troops were insensibly collected and concentrated round the capital; and the château of Versailles became the head-quarters of an army, as well as the seat of a counter-revolutionary council. The populace on their part were daily getting fresh audacity and strength, or rather a knowledge of their strength. When Louis and his queen yielded on the evening of the royal sitting to the few clamors of the people of Versailles, in favor of Necker, they taught their enemies the way to conquer them.

The mob of Versailles, indeed, set the example to that of Paris, bursting into the hall of the assembly on the day that the noblesse joined it, and at times drowning the debates by their clamors. Now too the municipality of Paris, self-constituted from the electors of the city, raised its head : and in common with many other clubs and assemblies, forwarded addresses of congratulation to the national assembly. The Palais Royal presented scenes of still greater disorder. Declaimers harangued in every street: the very rabble drank of the intoxicating spirit of politics. The triumph of the tiers état at Versailles had suspended the action of all law; journals and clubs multiplied; a pretext alone was wanted to produce open insurrection. The authority of the sovereign had quailed before that of the assembly. The populace were now determined to imitate the latter in an essay of their arms against the throne. When the moral power and influence of a government is defeated, it may rely on soon being driven to make trial of its physical force.

It was a short time previous to this outbursting of popular discontents, that the household troops had been disbanded; that an order had been issued forbidding the advancement of



231 any, save nobles, to the rank of officers; and at the same time introducing the severities of Prussian discipline into the ranks of the French army. The soldiery was, in consequence, as prone to insubordination as the populace. On the last day of June, three hundred of the French guards quitted the barracks in which they had been confined, and visited the Palais Royal. They were welcomed with exultant joy. Placed in confinement on returning to their quarters, the populace broke in, and liberated them. This was the first triumph of the mob.

Foreign troops in the French service were, in the mean time, crowding to Versailles. The Orangery, the gardens, presented the appearance of a bivouac. The count d'Artois, with his friend the baron de Breteuil, took upon him to direct the attack upon the revolution.* The courage and indignation of the queen were again wound up to approve and second the intentions of this party. Whilst the theorists of the assembly were busied in preparing the constitution, the attention of Mirabeau was turned to practice. He proposed an address to the king to countermand the troops which thronged around Paris, and in the same motion recommended the formation of the citizens of Paris into a civic guard. This was no new invention; the league had had its national guard. Without deciding the question, whether this institution be compatible with monarchy, it was certainly advisable at the present moment. Had it been organized now, before the populace had tasted of plunder and of blood, the revolution might have been spared a portion of its crimes; and power, in its fall, would not have descended lower than the middle classes,

On the 11th of July, the count d'Artois's party had overcome the scruples of the king. Necker was dismissed accord ing to his own desire, and bidden to take his departure secretly. Breteuil succeeded him. The recurrence to force, which on the 23d of June would have shown consistency, if not prudence, was now, when too late, to be employed. The court were anticipated in their intended blow. Necker's dismissal had taken place upon a Saturday. On Sunday, the 12th, the idle crowd of the Palais Royal learned the tidings. It was the spark upon the train, the desired pretext found. Camille Desmoulins, a low demagogue, took the lead; harangued the mob; showed himself armed; and, plucking a branch, put a leaf in his hat by way of cockade. His example was applauded and imitated. Waxen busts of Necker and Orleans were then seized in a neighboring shop, crowned with laurel, and carried in procession through the streeis. Near the Place Vendôme the procession came in contact with a German regiment. Blows and shots were exchanged. A soldier of the royal guards was said to have been killed in the ranks of the people. For this cause, and from previous jealousy, some hundreds of the guards issued from their barracks near the spot, drew up, and fired upon the Germans. The prince de Lambesch, commanding them, ordered a retreat, to avoid bloodshed: whilst effecting this through the gate of the garden of the Tuilleries, an aged person was slain. Cries of vengeance followed. The populace hastened in search of arms. The Hôtel de Ville, where the electors, self-constituted as a municipality, were in the habit of daily assembling, delivered up all preserved in that establishment. They ordered the establishment of a civic guard; a vain and late attempt to separate the armed citizen from the armed ruffian.

* How similar is the count d'Artois of 1789 to the Charles X. of 1830. Bezenval, after describing the prince's indignation against those who sought to overturn the throne, adds, yet, “ without forces, and above all, without experience, he allowed himself to be led by a man, the most incapable of good counsel; one who was known to have failed, from his imprudence, in every thing that he undertook. This man, having a great interest to make common cause with the prince, removed from around him all the friends who could have enlightened him as to his true situation. The count d'Ar tois continued to consider himself chief of the party, because the noblesse came universally to pour their plaints in his ear. He always put one of them by his side at madame de Polignac's, where he dined every day. He courted and flattered them, as if men, money, or real succor could be thos obtained. Wanting these, he but opened the eyes of the demagogues, and became not so much the object of their fears as of their observation and hatred."-Détails Historiques.

Thus passed the 12th: the 13th saw the fermentation increase, though unmarked by events. On the morning of the 14th the Invalids were invaded by the mob; its arsenal afforded a fresh supply of muskets, and, what was more important, artillery. Thus provided, they marched to the Bastile. Some thirty Swiss and eighty invalids garrisoned this fortress. They, as well as the unfortunate governor, De Launay, were appalled by an enemy so new to the soldier,--the clamors of à ferocious multitude. The morning was spent in parleys and menaces. The municipality in vain endeavored to quiet the people, and put the fortress in the possession of their new militia. The populace was too numerous and too agitated to hearken to aught but their own passion and impa. tience. By a sudden assault they broke the chains of the drawbridge, and passed the outer fossé. The garrison defend ed the inner fortification, and the combat commenced. The French guards now took the lead; when the garrison, alarmed, compelled the governor to hoist the white flag, in token of surrender. The victors rushed in, and filled the interior of this once formidable prison. The rabble attempted to massacre the invalids: the French guards defended them. A yo ing woman was even thrown amidst some burning mat




tresses, but was rescued from the flames. De Launay was not so fortunate. Several of his officers were slain. Two French guards vainly undertook to conduct him safe through the crowd; but blows fell upon him from every side, and soon immolated the victim.

The Bastile conquered, the populace marched in triumph o the Hôtel de Ville. The assembled chiefs of the citizens were now to learn that it was not royalty alone, its officers

nd its nobles, that were threatened by revolution. The municipality had chosen Hesselles, provost of the merchants, to preside. He weakly undertook to amuse the people, promising them arms and indicating where they were to be found. Exasperated by finding this information false, the provost of the merchants was massacred by the same hands as the governor of the Bastile. Thus the middle as well as the upper ranks furnished the first victims to insurrection.

In the mean time, where was the count d'Artois, the baron de Breteuil, their bold projects, and their army? They slumbered or trembled, whilst the only fortress of the capital was attacked. Louis saw their weakness and incapacity; and, abandoning their counsels, hurried to the national assembly, intending to make peace with it, to proclaim his amity and sincere cordiality with it, and to crave its support and inter ference to restore order to the capital. At the same time he announced, that orders were given that the troops should retire from the capital. Seeing the popular party thus victorious, the count d'Artois, the Polignacs, and inveterate courtiers, took their departure from France; as precipitate to fly as they had been tardy to act.

The national assembly, thus master of the sovereign through the influence of the Parisian mob, sent a deputation to thank the capital, and to organize anew its authorities, those of the monarchy having lost all influence. Bailly, formerly president, a man of letters and probity, headed this deputation, which was received with enthusiasm. Bailly himself was chosen to preside over the municipality, as mayor of Paris, in the place of the unfortunate Hesselles. A commander of tne armed force, miscalled national guard, (for it was soon composed of disbanded soldiers, of every class save citizens,) was imperatively necessary. La Fayette, whose bust was in the Hôtel de Ville, recalling his campaigns in the cause of American liberty, was voted to this post. Lally-Tollendal, who was of the deputation, fascinated the mob by his eloquence, and, fortunately for him, was recompensed merely by their ap. plauses. The Parisians were told, that Louis was now cor dially united with the national assembly. “He has itherto

been deceived,” said La Fayette and Lally;

• but he now sees the merit and justness of the popular cause.” The enthusiasm was general on this explication being made. Tears of joy were shed. The revolution seemed already to have closed its list of horrors and of change.

Bailly, the new mayor, entertained this opinion; but he was oon undeceived. The suspicions of the populace returned. n a few hours they recommenced clamoring and crowding, nd demanded the presence of the king in his capital, to reassure them, and repeat from his own mouth his intentions. Bailly promised to do his utmost to gratify them in this; but already this simple lover of liberty perceived, that there was some mysterious agent, that excited and bribed the people to fresh sedition. It could be no other than the duke of Orleans. Already murmurs arose among the populace of the necessity of marching to Versailles, and bringing back the monarch. # deputation from the city was ordered to demand it. Louis anticipated their coming and request, by stating his readiness to visit Paris.

He accordingly proceeded thither on the 17th. Nothing is more probable, than that assassination was intended by the great mover of the base part of the rabble. They shrunk, however, from an attempt that would have been mercy to the unfortunate Louis.* Arrived at the gates of Paris, he was welcomed by the new mayor, who, with a pedantic love of antithesis little worthy of Bailly, spoke the following poignant truth :-“I present to your majesty the keys of the good city of Paris; the same which were presented to Henry IV. He reconquered his people. Here the people have reconquered their king

The procession, like funeral ones, had the appearance of a fête. The new militia was under arms. The tricolor cockade was in every hat. Green had been discarded, as being the color of the princes. Blue and red were of old the colors of the city of Paris. White was now added, out of affection to the Bourbon king. The cockade being presented to him by Bailly, at the Hôtel de Ville, he assumed it cheerfully, and bade the mayor state for him to the municipality, that he approved of their acts. This royal adhesion to the revolution being given, Louis returned to Versailles, rejoiced in heart, that he had again escaped from his capital. The queen flung herself into his arms on rebeholding him: he had been prepared for worse.

If the ruffians had been here balked of their victim, awed by his dignity, or by the general expression of regard, they

* A woman was nevertheless shot close to the royal carriage.

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