brought to trial, and accused of a long list of crimes. Sorcery formed the climax of these. 66 By what process of the black art," they asked her, "did you acquire such influence over your royal mistress?" " Simply by that power which a strong mind ever has over a weak one," was the triumphant and well-known reply of Galigai. But her judges, alive only to the pernicious results of favoritism, were deaf to reason as to mercy, and condemned the marchioness d'Ancre to be beheaded and burnt as a sorceress; a verdict that was soon after carried into effect in the Place de Grêve.

This act of cruelty and vengeance did not deter a new favorite from springing up. The wealth as well as the influence of Concini fell to the share of De Luynes, who was, however, neither a foreigner, nor so rash and avaricious as his predecessor. Louis XIII., from his very first moment of grasping power, showed the same incapacity of wielding it that ever distinguished him. The love of the chase was the only active quality the young monarch seemed to have inherited from his father Henry. De Luynes became hence sole master of the state. He found two parties aspiring to influence; that of the prince of Condé, and that of the queenmother. One was in prison, and the other exiled; so that De Luynes found no difficulty in flattering and giving hopes alternately to both, whilst he permitted neither the liberation of the prince nor the return of Mary of Medicis. The body of the noblesse, who had flown to arms upon Conde's arrest, and who had returned on learning Concini's fall, thought it a more serious step to rebel against the king than against his mother and her favorite. The young court, too, had charms; and the prince of Condé was now but ill supported by that aristocratic band that had shared his envy and hatred towards the family of Ancre.

I

Mary of Medicis bore her disgrace with impatience. For some time she lulled herself with the hope that Luynes was incere in his promises of allowing her return. She expected n vain; and at length resolved to work her deliverance by eaguing with the prince of Condé and her former enemies. 'hese intrigues coming to light, Richelieu, who was considered to be the source of them, was ordered to quit Blois, where the queen resided, and retire to his bishopric. But Mary had already profited by the advice of this able counsellor. She kept up an active correspondence with the duke of Epernon, who was master of Metz, and through him with such of the nobility as were envious of Luynes. Having by these means formed a party, Mary escaped by night from the château of Blois: was met by Epernon at the head of an

1619.

ESCAPE OF MARY FROM BLOIS.

21

armed body of gentlemen; and, retreating south, soon found herself at the head of a party strong enough to defy her ene mies. There cannot be a stronger example of the overgrown power of the nobles, and of the manner in which they absorbed the whole force of the crown, than the authority wielded by Epernon at this time against his sovereign. The duke had no less than five governments, viz. the provinces of Saintonge, Auxerrois, the Limousin, the Bourbonnois, and the three bishoprics. Add to these Metz, the bulwark of the kingdom adjoining Lorraine, and Loches, the strongest fortress of Touraine, which he held, together with the command of all the French infantry, as colonel-general; and it can be no longer a wonder that the defection of such a grandee should have immediately reduced Louis and his favorite to treat with the queen-mother.

Richelieu was recalled from his diocese, and employed to effect an accommodation, which took place. Mary of Medicis was the principal gainer: she obtained the government of Anjou, and the towns of Angers, Chinon, and Pont-de-Cé, as fortresses of surety. The king promised to restore Mary of Medicis to his confidence, and to her place at court. But this was postponed for the time. An interview took place betwixt Louis and his mother. A light remark on one side, answered by a cold compliment on the other, is all that is recorded of the meeting."How your majesty has grown!" exclaimed Mary. "Grown for your service, madame," was the young monarch's reply. The queen-mother remained at Angers, whilst the court returned to Paris. Epernon received a written pardon for his rebellion, but otherwise derived no advantage from it; a circumstance that caused him to be taxed with folly by his contemporaries. Disinterestedness was inconceivable to the age. As to Epernon, his grandeur, wealth, and commands, could scarcely have supported an increase.

The first step of Luynes, in order to counteract the revived party of the queen-mother, was to liberate Condé from Vincennes. But his long captivity had secluded this prince from his ancient followers; and Richelieu, who saw the object of Luynes, was able to succeed in not only drawing over the whole body of the noblesse to the queen-mother, but even in exciting the Huguenots to stir in her favor. These measures of Richelieu, who was at the same time amusing Luynes by feigned friendship and communications, became ripe in 1620, when, upon a fresh refusal to admit Mary of Medicis to court, all the great nobles, who had most of them formerly conspired against her, row espoused her cause, and quitted the court. Almost all France was in array against Louis and De Luynes,

Epe.non armed his five governments and nis many towns. Mary herself was in Anjou. The duc de Longueville held Normandy, the duc de Vendôme Britany, the count of Soissons Perche and Maine, the mareschal of Bois-dauphin had Poitou. De Retz, La Tremouille, Mayenne, Rouen, and Nemours, held the southern provinces betwixt them, except Languedoc, where Montmorency remained neuter. The Huguenots were also against the court, as was the duc de Rohan, their principal leader, and Rochelle, their chief town. Thi was owing to a decree issued by Luynes, that the church lands of Bearn, where Henry IV. had established Protestantism, should be restored to the Catholic priesthood. Thus Richelieu enlisted under the banners of his mistress these two great malcontent and independent powers in the monarchy, the aristocracy and the reformers, which it was afterwards the great aim and achievement of his policy to crush. In thus wielding them successfully against the monarch, Richelieu became acquainted with their danger, their strength, and their secret springs.

Condé, however, inspired De Luynes this time with additional vigor. The prince himself was excited to avenge his long confinement upon the queen-mother, who had caused it; and the king, therefore, was induced to march with an army, headed by Condé, to reduce the rebels. He was successful in Normandy; the insurgents retired everywhere before the royal army, which turned, southward, and drove the queen from even Angers, her principal fortress. Luynes, contented with these advantages, showed himself willing to treat, as did Richelieu, who was somewhat disgusted by the want of alacrity and resolution evinced by the noblesse, his partisans. Condé, however, pushed on the war; and although a treaty was on the eve of being concluded, he attacked the forces of Mary's adherents, and put them to the rout at Pont-de-Cé. This success, instead of breaking off negotiations, accelerated them; for Luynes became instantly jealous of Condé, and feared his predominance, if the queen-mother should be completely crushed. A treaty was therefore concluded on similar terms to the preceding one, with the important addition, that the king should become really reconciled to his mother, and that she should reside at court. Many doubts and accusations exist against the good faith of Richelieu in these transactions. The loss of Angers, and the defeat of Pont-de-Cé, were said to be arranged and allowed by him; and it is more than probable that, in disgust with the noblesse, who were at once domineering to their friends and feeble towards their_enemies, Richelieu had conceived the project of reconciling Louis and

1621.

WAR AGAINST THE HUGUENOTS.

23

the queen-mother, as well as their respective favorites, De Luynes and himself; thus uniting the scattered elements of the government, and enabling it to set its turbulent enemies at defiance. Richelieu, by this plan, hoped to secure to himself a place in the council, where he felt confident he would soon rule such weak spirits as Louis, the queen-mother, and De Luynes. But the latter had the sagacity to dread Richelieu's superiority. Although the bishop sedulously sought the favorite's friendship, and although an alliance took place betwixt their families, nevertheless Luynes persevered in his Jealousy; prevented, by his intrigues, the cardinal's hat stipulated for Richelieu in the late treaty, and kept the doors of the council-chamber inexorably closed against him.

Although Luynes had risen to power as a mere favorite, he still held it with a firmer hand than Concini; nor was he without the views or the sagacity of a statesman. Even previous to his having at court so able a prompter as Richelieu, he had anticipated the future policy of that minister in endeavoring to crush the Huguenots. Luynes was determined upon restoring to the Catholic priesthood the church lands of Bearn, which had been in the hands of the Protestants since the days of Jeanne d'Albret. Louis was equally bent on rescuing from heresy the native province of his family. After the treaty of Pont-de-Cé, the king marched into Bearn, and reduced not only the church lands to his will, but the little province itself, the privileges of. which he annulled. The Huguenots were of course indignant and alarmed. This was not the only infraction of the agreements made with them. Favas, their deputy at court, declared that the government intended to reduce them altogether. They accordingly sum moned a general assembly of reform at Rochelle, despite the prohibition of the king; and their consistory published a bol.. decree, dividing the Protestant regions of France into circles, after the manner of Germany, uniting again these circles in a general government, and establishing the rules by which this government was to raise troops and taxes, to levy war, and exercise independent jurisdiction. The scheme was a direct imitation of the United Provinces of Holland. It manifested fully the republican ideas and leanings of the Huguenots, and roused the court, and above all Richelieu, to crush them.

An army was raised by Luynes. The command was given to Lesdiguières, a veteran soldier, a Huguenot, indeed, but one who showed no disinclination to recant. He was dea bauched, unprincipled, and mean enough to recommend Luy nes as fit to wield the constable's sword; a choice that the monarch himself, despite his blind affection, was ashamed to

make. Although the noble Huguenots were displeased with the froward conduct and republican principles of their party, nevertheless, the duke of Rohan took the command of their army in the south, whilst his brother, the comte de Soubise, was placed at the head of that in Poitou. The royal army passed the Loire, and soon drove the Huguenots before it. St Jean d'Angely, the principal fortress belonging to Rohan, wa besieged and taken, with Soubise in it. The Huguenot chiefs Bouillon, La Tremouille, Chatillon, submitted. Rochelle itself trembled. The duc de Rohan alone, who seemed to have inherited the constancy and stubborn virtues of his father-inlaw Sully, remained firm against all the offers of Luynes, and determined not to despair of the cause; but for him, indeed, reform would have been crushed at once in France. Owing to the imprudent conduct of the Rochelle assembly, and to their inopportune manifestation of rebellious designs and republican principles, at a time when they could expect no aid from abroad, nor from the Catholic noblesse, the northern provinces of reform were in fact reduced, except Rochelle, in the neighborhood of which the royal troops were busied in erecting a strong fort. The royal army had marched into the south, entered Montpellier, and besieged Montauban, the conquest of which would have decided the war. It was defended by the marquis de la Force, a veteran Huguenot who had escaped the massacre of St. Bartholomew's eve, whilst Rohan hovered in the vicinity. The resistance of Montauban proved successful. The royalists lost nearly half their force beneath its walls. Young Mayenne perished amongst others. Not the least illustrious victim was De Luynes, who died, not indeed in arms, but of a fever caused by the chagrin of defeat.

This check saved the Huguenots for the time, although it was counterbalanced by the ascendency of Guise in Poitou. The treaty was concluded in the following year at Montpellier, by which it was stipulated that affairs should be replaced as they were before the war, new conquests restored, and new fortifications demolished. One point the king gained; this was, that the Huguenots should no more have a lay assembly. A synod of ecclesiastics was alone allowed them; thus obviating the revival of that republican assembly at Rochelle, which had roused all the suspicions and energy of king and court. The duc de Rohan lost his government of Poitou, but was given Nismes in recompense for St. Jean d'Angely. Lesdiguières, who had by this time recanted and returned to the Catholic faith, was rewarded with the staff of constable. Louis, returning to his capital, was welcomed as a hero. The two queens rivalled each other in the brilliancy of their fêtes.