"katydid," it is an American term which has resisted all efforts to render it by a single word in any other language. However, we could try to persuade the reporter on baseball games, not to indulge any longer in a jargon of his own with its “ump,” its "fans," etc. And we might extend a similar request to college students with regard to terms like "frosh" and "soph," or "prof" and "prom" and all the rest. Maybe that in this way we would succeed in cutting down the abundance so as to reach the level of an artificial language. Yet it would amount to nothing less than moving from a palace into a poorhouse. On the other hand, the artificial languages may attempt to amend matters on their part by adding, f. i., to their regular vocabulary various lists providing for the special needs of college students, newspaper writers, huntsmen, sportsmen, people engaged in various professional branches, and lovers of slang generally. This step, however, might easily prove fatal for the cause of artificial languages, inasmuch as it would reveal the fact that simplicity meant meagerness and poverty. The whole problem, however, is not merely one of linguistic aspects. Obviously the practice in vogue at present in international dealings is based on the belief that Latin, English, French and German are the languages most widely known on account of their generally being taught in schools and colleges. The privileged position granted to them in the curriculum rests just as much or more so on the merits of their literature and their intimate connection with present-day civilization as on their linguistic qualities. Nor need we feel obliged to reduce their number any further unless we are anxious to improve the world by making it more monotonous. The fact remains that there are not a few enthusiasts looking forward to the time when one and the same language will be used all over the globe and only one world literature enjoyed by all mankind. That time, however, I believe, may yet be far off. Maybe it will arrive when all nations of the world will be united in perfect peace under one government, when differences between races and creeds will have vanished, and when our friend Homunculus, the tiny human being created by a synthetic process out of chemical elements and hatched in a chemical laboratory, will be able to enjoy an existence longer than that granted him by Goethe in the second part of Faust. THE VOCALISM OF GREEK VERBS OF THE TYPE πirvημ WALTER PETERSEN UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA Although the Greek language shows a considerable number of forms with present reduplication in, yet in no sense do these constitute a living category. They are almost a closed circle of old and inherited verbs, subject to all kinds of analogical changes which give evidence of failure to understand their structure, while even new forms show by their very appearance that they were not consciously felt as reduplicating forms. Thus inтaμаi (Moschus, etc.) for Téтoμaι was clearly patterned after lorauai,2 for if felt as a reduplicating form it would have appeared as *Ti-TTаμai. At the same time this analogical formation shows that oraμai itself was no longer analyzed as reduplicated. We may in fact say that the whole category of reduplicating presents, however clear is its existence from the historical point of view, was psychologically a nonentity. The individual reduplicated verbs were either structurally obscure to the speakers of the language, or else they were analyzed wrongly, i.e. not in accordance with their origin. Thus no doubt μί-μνω was usually conceived as μίμνω, because the latter conception is supported by a number of verbs like réμ-vw, and, moreover, by the probable division of syllables in pronunciation (uiμ-vw3 rather than μi-μvw), while there was nothing at all to assist in the apperception of the original weak form of the root μv-. Even those reduplicated presents which are clearest to the philologist, e.g. di-dw- and ri-On μ, must have been wrongly analyzed or seemed structurally obscure to many speakers. That e.g. -di-dó-uny was sometimes conceived as é-did-ó-μny, with thematic vowel, is shown by the analogical -did-e-ro of the New Testament. On the other hand, e.g. Ti-0e-Te or Ti-0e-Taι were certainly 1 While this applies both to thematic and athematic verbs, an exceptional position is held by the reduplicated verbs in -σkw, which apparently were not generally obscure, e.g., γιγνώσκω, βι-βρώσκω, μιμνήσκω, δι-δρά-σκω. * Cf. Brugmann-Thumb, 324. I assume that there is no truth in Herodian's opinion that all such consonant groups go with the following syllable. In spite of the acceptance of this as a principle of pronunciation e.g. by Hirt, Handbuch2 93, the conflict of metrical facts is an insurmountable objection and forces us to conclude that Herodian's rules had to do only with writing, cf. Sturtevant, TAPA 53.38. [Cf. also E. Hermann, Silbenbildung im Griech. u. in den anderen idg. Sprachen G. M. B.] = often taken as thematic formations and analyzed τίθ-ε-τε and τίθ-ε-ται in the Kový, as is made clear by Ti0i Tileɩ v 1. of D at Luke 8:16, and still more by the following thematic forms in papyri: παρακατατίθ-ο-μαι and τара-т-ó-μеvоs, cf. Robertson, Gram. Gr. N. T. 318. Of the various causes that obscure the structure of reduplicating presents, phonetic changes in themselves do not of course affect these verbs more than any other category of forms. There is, however, this difference, that in a group which, so to speak, has broken down psychologically, analogy cannot be a restoring and regularizing influence, so that phonetic changes will not be thwarted by "Systemszwang." Sound changes have in fact so altered the appearance of some reduplicating presents that no speaker of the language could possibly have divined the original existence of a reduplication. Such certainly are disnμaι< *δι-διά-μαι (cf. Lesb. ζάτημι for the root), νίσομαι < *νι-νσ-ιο-μαι (strong root in véoμal <*veo-o-μai). Probably also λw<* fl-fλ-w° (root *Feλ'to wind'), and ïçw<*si-zd-ō' (strong root in Lat. sedeo). Possibly, though much more doubtful, μíoyw<*mi-mzg-ō (strong root *mezg-, cf. Lat. mergo). Only slightly less changed, but also beyond the possibility of recognition of its original structure, is ἵλα-θι ἄλα-τε<*σι-σλα-, ἔλη-θι<*σι-σλη-θι.9 In a number of presents sound changes have reduced the reduplication to an (with smooth or rough breathing). That this change alone may be sufficient to obscure their structure, is shown by ἵστημι <*σι-στη-μι and inui<*oi-on-μ. The latter, like Lat. sisto Skt. tisthati, shows theἵημι *σι-ση-μι. matic inflection in Kown forms like ap-iw, which, as we have just seen, means wrong analysis. The former verb was shown to have been structurally obscure because of iπтаμаι, which was formed by analogy to it. In case of loxw<*01-0x-w (strong root ex- in eixov<*é-σ€X-0-v) this factor was assisted by other sound changes in other forms, resulting in the present exw and future w, so that the various irregularities could not have been interpreted according to any system. For iáxw< 'According to Fick, Vergl. Wörterbuch 1.3108, 620. 'Cf. Brugmann, Gr. 2.3.2 106. Cf. Solmsen, Untersuchungen 229. "It is possible that it originated from *sid-iō instead of *si-zdō, I.E. sid- being found e.g. in lopów. Cf. Brugmann-Thumb 332f. In this case it is probable that there was an obscuring of the structure of forms like *sizdō even in the parent language, and that the root sid- instead of sed- received its i through I.E. contamination of sed- and si-zd-. "So according to Wackernagel, KZ. 33.39. Usually, and more convincingly, supposed to come from *μιγ-σκω. 'Cf. Brugmann-Thumb 331f. *Fi-faxw interpretation of the as reduplication was precluded by the isolation of the present system1o and its derivatives, nor would anyone have scented the same root in duo-nxns. Isolation of the present system also prevented i-aúw (root *av-) from being felt as reduplicated, although here the reduplication evidently retained its original form, and there was no opportunity for phonetic mutilation. Transfer of μ verbs to the thematic conjugation by the substitution (not addition) of the thematic vowel for the root vowel has already been cited as evidence for the obscuring of structure in case of didwμi, τίθημι, and ἵημι. Other instances are: δίζομαι for δίζημαι in the Alexandrian poets, which presupposes the analysis of disea<*di-(n-oaι as dis-e-ai; minλov 'filled,' a variant reading in Hes. Sc. 291, now usually rejected, which would presuppose some form like *¿-πɩ-πλe-T€‚11 in which e was wrongly taken as the thematic vowel. Similar evidence of obscuring is the substitution of the nasal present suffix -avo- for the root vowel in iorávw (Polyb., etc.) for iornμ, evidently made by analogy to içávw=itw, which is as early as Homer. It assumes the analysis ἵστ-η-μι and ἱστ-άνω. A more complicated analogical formation is πιμπλάνω for *πι-πλη-μι, which shows obscuring not only through its nasal suffix, but also the infixed nasal. Both are thought to have been patterned after λιμπάνω = λείπω. After either πιμ-πλάνω or λιμπάνω or both was patterned the normal post-Homeric present κιγχάνω 12 for Homeric κι-χάνω < *κι-χανρω (Attic -άνω <-αντω). The nasal infix, which in the last two words was inserted behind the reduplication in exactly the same way as otherwise into the root, was of course particularly good evidence that the reduplication was not felt as such, but conceived as part of the root. This infix was carried from πιμπλάνω το πίμπλημι, and from there to two other μι presents, πίμπρημι and κίγχρημα (found in the Cretan κίνχρητι) as also to the thematic KYKрa. In these four presents therefore the nasal infix has become eviκιγκρᾷ. dence of obscuring of structure without the assistance of the nasal suffix. The irregular form of the reduplication itself was also cited as evidence of obscuring of structure in ἵ-πταμαι for *πι-πτα-μαι after ἵσταμαι. In case of πt-TT-w (root Ter-)13 the length of the, due to the analogy of the 10 Otherwise is found only the Homeric perfect participle ȧμpi-axvĩa, for which see p. 17. "This is comparable to taking the e e.g. of e-0e-re as a thematic vowel, as seen above. "That is, although -avw here comes from -avfw, and although the a belongs to the root. the similarity of the type μrávo caused both the insertion of the nasal as well as the reinterpretation of the a as belonging to the suffix. 13 Cf. Brugmann-Thumb 304. congeneric ptπ-TW, is conclusive evidence that it was thought of as containing the suffix -To- and was analyzed tπ-TW. A similar result was brought about by metathesis in TiKTW for *TL-TK-W14 (strong root in -TEK-O-V), so that the analysis became Tik-TW. Hardly important from our point of view is ỏ-ví-vŋ-μ (cf. fut. ỏ-vý-ow). If this analysis (cf. e.g. Wackernagel, Dehnungsges. 50) is correct, i.e., if the verb really is related to Skt. nā-thá-m ‘help,' and the o- is a prefix, the fact that this prefix is an unintelligible petrified remnant would not allow correct analysis, and this present was certainly among the structurally obscure. However, cf. Boisacq s. v. Only rarely does forgetting the structure of these presents result in carrying over the present reduplication into other tenses, comparable to διδάσκω διδάξω δε-δίδαχα in the -σκο- class. From ἰάχω is claimed the perfect taxa found in the participle ȧupiaxui-a B 316, but its belongs to the preposition, and it is ἀμφι-ραχνία. 15 From κιγχάνω, which has displaced *x-xn-μ in most forms, we find the aorist -KxOV. Here the abstration of a root κx-16 is particularly evident. Opposed to all these evidences of decay in the class of presents with reduplication in prefixed before the root or root plus thematic vowel, there are very few signs of life in the category. It is true that di-dn-u for déw is probably a Greek innovation, but it is found in Homer and then falls into disuse. We do however find at a very late date *Ti-Tрη-μ in dia-TITρávтes (Dio C.) and Tíтраμаι (Oribas.). These got their reduplication in from 71-7рáw, found for the first time in Dioscorides, as is also TI-Tρaivw. It is obvious that these very few late analogical formations do not weigh heavily against all the other multifarious evidence that the class was petrified at a very early date, and that the of the original reduplications was by most persons and at most times felt as a part of the root or verb stem. L The result of phonetic and analogical changes in some verbs with obscured reduplication in has been to create a kind of vowel gradation in which the of the present system appears as a variant of the root vowel e as it appears in other tenses, particularly the aorist. Thus cf. τίκτω and ἔτεκον, ἴζω ἴζομαι and εζόμην, ἴλλω and ἔλσα. In Homeric Greek, where the use of the augment was optional and consequently unaugmented forms were easily confused with augmented forms, the same vowel gradation could have been felt in oxw opposed to the aorist 14 Cf. Brugmann-Thumb 159. 15 Cf. Brugmann-Thumb 373. 16 See Boisacq, Dict. elym., note. s.v. «xávw. |