from entire equality; where they and their children, and children's children may pursue their avocations in peace, enjoy the fruits of honest industry, participate in the pleasures of social intercourse, and be the subjects and objects of all the endearing ties and sympathies of man's nature; where a country, whose weal or woe will excite their lively sensibility, anxious solici tude, and, perhaps, honest pride, and whose approbation will be at the same time the reward of good deeds and a stimulant to better; and where politically, intellectually, and morally exalted themselves, they may become the honored instruments of like exaltation in others.-They leave a country in which though born and reared, they are strangers and aliens; where severe necessity places them in a class of degraded beings; where they are free without the blessings and privileges of liberty; where in ceasing to be slaves of one, they have become subservient to many; where, neither freemen nor slaves, but placed in an anomalous grade which they do not understand and others disregard; where no kind instructer, no hope of preferment, no honorable emulation prompts them to virtue or deters from vice; their industry waste, not accumulation; their regular vocation, any thing or nothing as it may happen; their greater security, sufferance; their highest reward, forgiveness; vicious themselves and the cause of vice in others; discontented and exciting discontent; scorned by one class and foolishly envied by another; thus, and worse circumstanced, they cannot but choose to move. They will exchange degradation for exaltation, insecurity for safety, despondency for hope, vice for virtue, and poverty for independence, if not wealth. It has also been objected to the scheme of the Society, that it was too vast and gigantic, and hence it was pronounced impracticable. But it is not seen that a plan of charity and human amelioration is less entitled to confidence and support, because it proposes to embrace many objects; or, that a plan, the execution of which is within the resources of any designated or given part of the nation, is less practicable because it comprehends every part. What each can effect for itself, the whole may effect for all. The latter is on a larger sphere, but what would suffice for each separately, will for all unitedly; beside, that the larger has the advantages of method and concert, of mutual and reciprocal support, engages higher talents, and commands more active aid: hence, too, it becomes worthy the nation and the age. And it is the good fortune of the Society's plan that partial success invariably leads to greater-each step taken not only advances the object so much, but accelerates and impels others. Moreover, those who are influenced by the above objection, should remember that, even if all cannot be accomplished, it is desirable to perform as much as possible. They overlook the variety and extent of incidental and collateral aid; and underrate the activity and enterprise, genius and spirit of the age. Perhaps they have not examined, and therefore, do not justly estimate the consequences to their country from the progressive and rapid increase of those classes of population, and the necessity of at least diminishing evils, otherwise serious, if not fatal. An able address, delivered on the 4th of July last, calculates that, in the short space of fifty years (short in a nation's career,) the slaves and free negroes in the United States will amount to twelve millions. Let an intelligent mind contemplate the condition of a country containing within its bosom ten million of slaves and two million of free negroes, of one caste, associates, degraded, depraved and contaminating all within contact, and filling the master's mind with distrust and the slaves with impatience of bondage-let him, I say, contemplate this state of things, and remain, if he can, opposed to the objects of this society, and indifferent to the fate of its efforts. By the census of 1820, the free persons of colour in the United States amounted to 238,530, of whom 36,875 were in Virginia, (slaves amounted to 1,538,123, (of which 425,138 were in Virginia.) The annual increase of the free negroes is estimated at 6,000, (of slaves, at 46,000.) Is it practical to remove to Liberia from the United States annually 6000 free persons of colour? The expense of removing the first colonists, were from $50 to $60 per head; but this is now reduced to $20; and a reduction to $15 may reasonably be expected. Paying no consideration to the probability of a further reduction, the removal of 6000 would cost $120,000, being less than five thousand dollars to each State! But, to bring our calculations within the mind's easy compass, let a more limited theatre be taken. Virginia contains more of each class than any other State. If it be within her reasonable resources to provide for the emigration to Liberia of such as are now free or may be hereafter emancipated by their owners, it must be so with other States. Her portion of the 233,530, is 36,875, as we have seen-and the annual increase of the latter may be estimated at 800. The removal of that number annually, would, according to the data already noticed, cost $16,000. A brief reference to collateral resources, will show, that the residue, after their exhaustion, would be a much smaller sum than is usually supposed. It is due to the Auxiliary Societies, that their contributions should be first noticed. The number of those Societies, and of members in each, is not known precisely -but they are rapidly increasing in both respects. For, to the credit of the people of Virginia, it should be remarked, that, as they are more interested and concerned, their efforts are greater. From this source, and from other voluntary contributions, three thousand dollars annually, is a moderate estimate. In the second place, many free persons of colour, possess sufficient means to defray the expense of their removal. Thirdly, it almost invariably occurs, that the neighborhood from which the emigrants go, is induced by motives of benevolence, or a desire to get them off, to furnish considerable aid in money, or supplies. Fourthly, the laws of the State may provide, that such as are idle and dissolute, having no property for their support, and pursuing no regular business, and thence, liable to become chargeable to the parish, may be hired out by the overseers of the poor until a fund for their removal be provided. Fifthly, the overseers of the poor may, in like manner, be authorized to provide in the indenture of such youths of colour, as, according to the present laws, they bind apprentices, that the masters, in addition to good treatment and teaching the trade, shall pay, at the expiration of the service, a sum sufficient for his or her removal. It is not believed that either of these provisions would be a departure from the principle of the Society, or amount to moral or actual coer cion. Since the desire to emigrate is evidently extended, and will, in a short time, without doubt, embrace, comparatively speaking, all. Sixthly, a benevolent citizen of North Carolina has pointed out the mode of defraying the expenses of emigration of such slaves as shall be emancipated for that purpose. He has liberated about twenty, and directed them to be hired out until a fund be raised sufficient for the removal of the entire lot. This suggestion of his appears worthy the notice of the parent Society; for if it were to confine its pecuniary aid to those now free, the example of this gentleman might be generally adopted, and add much to the funds of the Society, and to the number of emigrants. Seventhly, thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, of foreigners have obtained passage to this country by indenting themselves to personal service until their passage money was `paid, or refunded. An active and increasing commerce with Liberia will furnish facilities to a like course, and the inducements to emigration will be stronger. Finally, when charitable aid is furnished to emigrants, a judicious selection of those most suitable for the colony from being in the prime of life, of robust constitutions, and good morals, will add consequently to the direct diminution of those left behind. These, and various other modes of providing for their removal, would leave little to be done by the State in its corporate character. An appropriation of five thousand dollars would almost ensure the emigration of more than the annual increase. But, narrowing the sphere of calculation again, let us examine the condition of this place. Lynchburg is, in this respect, to the State, as the State is to the Union-it has more than an equal proportion. In the State, the free persons of colour are to the whites as 1 to 16-in Lynchburg, probably as 1 to 7. This place and its vicinity contains, perhaps, 500 free negroes, and thirty-five hundred whites. It is believed that free negroes increase more slowly than whites or slaves, owing to the prevalence among them of the two greatest checks of population, poverty and vice. They double their number in not less than 33 years, which is an average annual increase of about 3 per cent; but the increase of 500 in one year would probably not exceed 12: and the removal of that number would cost $240. Now, this Society remitted to the Parent Society last year $138; and surely the balance could be readily made up from the various sources before alluded to. But the situation of Lynchburg was adverted to for another reason. Un fortunately, the municipal regulations of Virginia do not facilitate the collection and preservation of statistical facts; without a knowledge of which the mind cannot fully estimate the burthens imposed on the community by this class of our population. Practically exempt from all the civil and practical duties, paying taxes, county and parish levies, service of patrols, militia, juries, working on roads, &c.—as individuals, adding nothing to the productive powers and capacities of the community, and, consequently, supported by the labours of others, they are yet more frequently found on the charity fund than whites. Conclusive evidence of this may be procured from the records of the board of overseers of the poor. From that of Lynchburg, I have been politely furnished with an extract for the last four years, and believing the facts exhibited by it worthy of particular notice, will present them to this meeting: In the year 1825, the aggregate charity expense was 1826, Aggregate expense, ......... Paupers 4-2 whites and 2 blacks. ........ $344 82 $494 29 Making an aggregate expenditure in four years, of .. $1772 97 But in the same period 9 blacks have been buried at public charge, at an expense of $5 each, $45 00 Being an expenditure of $931 48 cents on account of destitute free negroes in four years--averaging annually, $232 87 cents-and within a few dollars ($7 13) of the sum (240) requisite to defray the expenses of removing their entire annual increase. It will be remarked, also, that whilst there were 7 whites to 1 black in the parish, there was an equal number of each on the parish: so, that a free negro is sevenfold as likely to become chargeable to the community as a white. Such facts as these convey an idea, but a very imperfect one, of the evils of their residence among us. If Lynchburg could provide means for the ultimate removal of those within its limits, so could the State; and so could other States. The alarm for the rights of property appears to have subsided, and the Society is no longer charged with any sinister or insidious design. It has constantly disclaimed any intention of disturbing the rights of others; and its conduct entitles its declaration to credit. It bestows its charitable offices on those only now free, or voluntarily emancipated by their owners. Its members are sustaining the wise policy of the law of Virginia, forbid No ing slaves, emancipated since May, 1806, to reside within the State. State in the Union has prohibited emancipation, where those manumitted are sent beyond its limits: and it may be safely assumed, that none will do so, whilst sound National Policy, the spirit of republican government, or the rights of citizens to dispose of their property at pleasure, (without detriment to others,) is appreciated or regarded. Nor let it be supposed that the people of the United States will derive from the successful prosecution of this enterprise no other benefit than grows out of the removal of this unprofitable and baneful class of population. Vice corrupts by example, but it poisons those only in contact with it: Virtue also finds a powerful auxiliary in the same weapon, and happily its influence is less restricted-the name and fame of good deeds circulate widely. And the moral beauty and sublimity of this magnificent design shall exalt our national character above deeds of prowess in war, or skill in science and art. At home, its beneficent influence shall pervade all classes of Society, administering pleasure to age, stimulus to manhood, and instruction to youth: constituting, at the same time, the evidence of a grateful recollection of past dispensations of providence, and an appeal for the continuance of his goodness, guardianship, and protection. Happy Influence of Trifles. In Mr. Clarkson's very interesting History of the Abolition of the Slavetrade, the following circumstances are mentioned as having contributed, in no unimportant degree, to produce correct impressions in regard to that odious traffic. "But other circumstances occurred to keep up a hatred of the trade among the people in this interval, which, trivial as they were, ought not to be forgotten. The amiable poet Cowper had frequently made the slave-trade the subject of his contemplation. He had already severely condemned it in his valuable poem The Task. But now he had written three little fugitive pieces upon it. Of these the most impressive was that, which he called The Negroe's Complaint. "This little piece, Cowper presented in manuscript to some of his friends in London; and these, conceiving it to contain a powerful appeal in behalf of the injured Africans, joined in printing it. Having ordered it on the finest hot-pressed paper, and folded it up in a small and neat form, they gave it the printed title of "A Subject for Conversation at the Tea-table." After this, they sent many thousand copies of it in franks into the country. |