many others, equally cruel, resolved us at once to collect a sufficient force to deprive the Boors of their arms, in which we have succeeded at every house which fell in our way. We have taken their superfluous clothing in lieu of the wages due for our services; but we have stripped none, nor injured the persons of any, though,' added he, shaking his head, we have yet a great deal of our blood to avenge.'

"Mr. Barrow, on proposing that Stuurman and his people should enter into the British service, stated a difficulty respecting the manner in which provision must be made for the aged, the women, and the children; which the Chief speedily obviated, by the following address:-"Restore (said he) the country of which our fathers have been despoiled by the Dutch, and we have nothing more to ask."

"I endeavoured," says Mr. Barrow, "to convince him how little advantage they were likely to derive from the possession of a country, without any other property, or the means of deriving a subsistence from it; but he had the better of the argument. 'We lived very contentedly,' said he, 'before these Dutch plunderers molested us; and why should we not do so again, if left to ourselves? Has not the Groot Baas (the Great Master} given plenty of grass, roots, and berries, and grasshoppers, for our use; and, till the Dutch destroyed them, abundance of wild animals to hunt? And will they not return and multiply, when these destroyers are gone?' We prevailed, however, upon Klaas to deliver up their arms, and, in the mean time, to follow the troops, until some arrangement could be made for their future welfare."

In the war which took place between the colonists and the united forces of many of the Caffers and Hottentots, the former, says Dr. Philip, "had no reason to despise the latter as an inferior race of beings from their own superiority in the contest.When a comparative view of the advantages and disadvantages of the combatants is taken into consideration, the address, the capacity, and the courage, will be found on the side of the aborigines."

"If the protection afforded to the Hottentots, and the encouragement given to the labours of the missionaries among them, were not the sole causes of the rebellion of the Boors, they furnished the pretexts employed to justify it; and the missionaries, and the Hottentots who were settled with them, were exposed to much suffering and many imminent dangers, during its continuance. The spirit of the Boors was exasperated by the successes of the Hottentots in proportion to the contempt in which they formerly held them; and their hatred was indiscriminate, and knew no bounds. Their object was to keep them in a state of ignorance and slavery; and their love of uncontrolled authority, one of the strongest passions in the human breast, shut their minds against every consideration which could be urged in favour of any attempt to improve them." (To be continued)

Lynchburg Colonization Society.

The Society at Lynchburg is entitled to high honour for the spirit, liberality, and perseverance with which it has directed its efforts in the cause of African Colonization. We are glad to perceive that there are among the members of it, those who have reflected candidly and profoundly upon the subject, and comprehend all its important relations. Many of our readers will doubtless recollect the speech of Mr. Harrison, before this Society, and be gratified to peruse the following of great merit, delivered recently by Mr. Rives. It exhibits much talent, and will convince, we trust, the incredulous, that the plans of our Society are practicable, while it arouses the indifferent and coldhearted from their criminal apathy.

Address

Of Wm. M. Rives, Esq. to the Lynchburg Colonization Society on the first of August.

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Before concluding the regular business of this Society, it is proposed to employ a brief space in re-examining the objects of the American Colonization Society, the means of their accomp lishment, and the dy made. Should it be found that those objects are in accordance with the claims of benevolence as pure as comprehensive, fortified by individual interest and national policy, that means adequate to the ends proposed may be obtained, and that the measures thus far have been wise, judicious and successful; it cannot be doubted that an intelligent and provident people will recur with satisfaction to their past efforts, and be quickened and stimulated to greater exertions in this labour of interest, of philanthropy and of patriotism.

Prior to the year 1816, the increased and increasing multitude of free persons of colour in the United States, their degraded condition, and its reactions on the morals, and consequently, on the happiness and prosperity of the community at large, had excited lively solicitude in the bosoms of benevolent and christian persons, and tasked the ability of statesmen, the most experienced, profound and sagacious, to devise and execute some plan which should both ameliorate their situation and free the nation from the serious and growing evils of their residence within it. It was at an early period seen and acknowledged, that neither the objects of benevolence nor the interests of the nation could be materially benefitted by any plan or The measures that permitted them to remain within the United States. General Assembly of Virginia had, on two occasions, at intervals of 8 or 10 years, acting on this subject, expressed an earnest desire for their removal, both on their and our account. The public mind being thus engaged,

and measurably developed, the pious zeal and persevering exertions of a clergyman of New Jersey, Mr. Findley, with the active co-operation of Mr. Caldwell of the District of Columbia, to form an association for this purpose, were crowned with success. Having opened an extensive correspondence to disseminate information of the plan in contemplation, and obtain knowledge of the wishes and opinions of others, he visited the seat of our National Government, and succeeded in convening a public meeting of distinguished citizens from different parts of the Union. The meeting was held in December 1816; and, organizing itself into an association, adopted a plan of future operations: a plan as plain and simple as the scheme itself is grand and comprehensive, which has received the approbation of many of the State Legislatures, and appropriations from those of Maryland and Virginia; also of the people of the United States, evinced by numerous Auxiliary Societies, and liberal private donations; and that has been successful beyond the hopes and calculations of the most sanguine. The plan was, and continues to be, to obtain territory on the continent of Africa, whereon to establish a colony of free persons of colour, and provide for the ultimate and gradual removal thereto, with their own consent, of such persons of colour as were free, or might become so agreeably to the laws of the several States. The pecuniary means relied on, were chiefly voluntary contributions and appropriations from the governments of the States, and of the Union. But the primary steps of acquiring territory and establishing a colony, were dependent on the former source alone; and the result has shown that reasonable drafts on the liberality and benevolence of the people of the United States are not likely to be protested.

The managers of the Society having obtained, by an exploring expedition, the necessary local information, despatched in 1820, a vessel, the Elizabeth, with eighty free persons of colour, emigrants to Africa—a cargo which this country could well afford to spare, but which promised inestimable benefits to that injured, persecuted continent. From that to the present time, the colony has increased in population, and prospered otherwise, saying those individual casualties incidental to a removal from one climate to another, and from a settled to an unsettled country. It contains, at this time, about fourteen hundred inhabitants, emigrants from the United States; possesses territory, fairly and peaceably acquired, sufficient for its present purposes, and may readily procure more according to its wants and its wishes; the colonists, become acclimated and healthy, have erected comfortable houses for themselves and families, and necessary public edifices, and are pursuing diligently and thriftily their private vocations, cultivating farms-following mechanical trades, or engaging in commerce with the natives of the interior and along the coast. As a community, it has acquired and maintains a character and influence with the tribes or nations around it; preserves order and quiet within; protects each in his rights of person and of property; has its courts, its militia, schools for the children of

the colonists and of the natives, a printing press, public library, churches, and frequent and periodical performances of Divine service-in short, it presents, in a land of ignorance and depravity, of Paganism and Mohammedanism, the interesting and bright exhibition of an intelligent, moral and Christian community.

The beneficent providence of the Society towards the emigrants was not bounded by their location and settlement in Liberia-it had yet high moral purposes to accomplish, to wit: to prepare and fit them for the business of self-government, and the enjoyment of rational liberty. To these ends, the Society adopted measures and gave instructions to its agents admirably adapted to the circumstances of the Colonists. Such civil and political rights, as might be safely entrusted to a people unused to the business of government, and, at the same time, serve to engage the mind and enlist the feelings in public concerns, were vested in the Colonists—but the fate of the community was not allowed to depend on the unexperienced. What a noble contrast is here presented to the conduct of despotic governments! There, the people are kept in ignorance, in order that they may be governed-here, their agency in government is used as a mean of civil and political instruction, in order that they may be gradually fitted for, and assume more, until finally, left to their own guidance, they shall be entrusted with all. Such examples in the political world, are not less grateful and refreshing than spots of evergreen in the natural; and it is a mental recreation to trace the steps by which this exalted purpose is in progress of consummation.

The Agent of the Society is the Colonial Governor, Commander-in-Chief and highest Judicial functionary. The Colonists (Freeholders only voting) elect annually a Vice Agent: and two Justices appointed by him, constitute the Judiciary: each is a conservator of the peace, has cognisance of criminal cases within the definition of petit larceny and actions of debt not exceeding twenty dollars; in Court, the Agent presides and the Justices are his associates. The Colonists qualified to vote, elect annually Committees of Agriculture, of Public Works, of the Militia and of health; and those committeemen are required to make themselves familiar with all subjects relating to their functions respectively, and to keep a record of all important observations and facts. Besides those named, the Colony has other officers customary in civil communities.

The parental measures of the Society to advance the interests of the Colony, could not be other than successful. Evidence of their beneficial effects may be found in almost every page of its history. Traces of improvement are so abundant and strong, that the mind is led to the opinion that the Colonists already appreciate the moral grandeur and magnitude of this enterprise, the responsibility devolving on them, and entering sincerely and heartily into the views of its projectors and patrons, endeavor to show themselves worthy the benevolence of which they are the objects and to

leave undone nothing in their power to promote, hasten and ensure its accomplishment. Nay, those measures appear to have even higher sanction. At different periods of its existence, the fate and destiny of the Colony seemed to depend on the labors and lives of one or two individuals-but, no sooner have their days been terminated, than others, before unnoticed and unknown, have assumed their stations, and so conducted as to leave the Colonial community nothing to regret, save the loss of those who had been public benefactors. Thus uncontrollable events, deemed fatal to our hopes and plans, have proved wise dispensations of Providence, teaching the Colonists the necessity of qualifying themselves for the business and duties of self-government, and the insecurity of a dependence on others. Another reflection, not unworthy of notice, grows out of the circumstance that the Society hath never been disappointed in its estimate of fidelity, zeal and capacity of its Agents. All appear to have been governed by the same pure and high moral purpose of self-devotion to the cause in which they had embarked; and to have acted on the exalted principle, that duty was not performed until the uttermost was done. With these instructive and animating examples before them, the Colonists, indulging and nurturing a spirit of enterprise and emulation, are throwing off the fetters of habit, erroneously pronounced inveterate, and exhibiting moral and intellectual energies, found only in favored nations.

It is, therefore, no longer problematical whether a Colony of free persons of colour can be established on the Continent of Africa. The fact that the Colony is in existence, growing and prospering beyond any underta king of like character, is as undeniable as it is gratifying and encouraging. Nor, should it be forgotten that it has been planted, sustained and strengthened by voluntary contributions alone-that it is prepared to receive other emigrants—and that its ability to accommodate and employ more, progressively, is augmented by each addition.

In the origin of the Parent Society, (it is still in infancy) it was objected, that free persons of colour would not consent to remove to Africa; and, it was asked, in a tone indicating no regret for the supposed impediment, if coercion would be employed? But, time, that tests and vindicates truth and exposes error, has removed all pretence to this objection. They are not only willing, but most anxious to emigrate; presenting themselves in crowds beyond the ability of the Society to afford them passage, and grieving over the necessity which continues them here. They have every inducement to go--none to remain. They would go to the land of their forefathers, that home from which they have been long absent, to a climate congenial with their structure and disposition; to a country, where occupying and cultivating a farm will give them title to it; where they may engage in commerce, in mechanics, or agriculture, as they list; where mild laws promise and afford protection to the good, and salutary checks to the bad; where superiority of mind and morals constitutes the only departure