to have some specific for his disease; but he rapidly grew worse, and on the 6th of July he breathed his last. Almost his closing words were, "O my Lord God, defend this realm from papistry, and maintain thy true religion, that I and my people may praise thy holy name for Jesus Christ's sake."

Edward died so young that his character had not developed itself sufficiently to enable us to appreciate it. He has, however, been the subject of unlimited panegyric to the pens of zealous protestants, who identify him with the progress made by true religion in his reign. He was certainly amiable in his disposition, his piety was fervent and sincere, but it showed symptoms of degenerating into bigotry and intolerance. His abilities were more than moderate, and they were carefully cultivated. It is to the glory of Edward's reign, and to the honour of his advisers, that it was free from bloodshed on account of the contest between the old and new religions. "Edward," says Dodd, a catholic, "did not shed blood on that account. No sanguinary, but only penal laws were executed on those who stood off." The blood-thirsty zealots of the succeeding reign could not therefore say that they only followed the example set them by those whom they murdered.

CHAPTER VII.

MARY*.

1553-1555.

Lady Jane Gray. The people declare for Mary.—Trial and execution of Northumberland.-Proceedings against the reformers.-The queen's marriage. -Wyat's insurrection.-Execution of lady Jane, her husband and her father.-Danger of the princess Elizabeth.-Marriage of the queen.-Arrival of cardinal Pole. The princess Elizabeth.

NORTHUMBERLAND intended to keep the death of king Edward for some time a secret. His object was to get the princesses into his power, for which purpose they had been summoned to London to see their brother. The lady Mary had reached Huntsdon in Herts the evening of the king's death; but having received secret intelligence of that event from Arundel, she mounted her horse and rode with all speed to Kenninghall in Norfolk.

The council spent three days in making the necessary arrangements for securing the succession of lady Jane. During this time they communicated the death of the king to the lord mayor and some of the aldermen and citizens, under the seal of secrecy. On the fourth day they proceeded to make that event public, and the chief of them rode to Sion House to announce her dignity to the young queen.

The lady Jane Gray was now but sixteen years of age; her person was pleasing, her disposition amiable and gentle, and her talents of a superior order. Of the extent of her acquirements and the serious turn of her mind we have a proof in the following anecdote, related by the learned Roger Ascham :-Going one day to Bradgate, the residence of her family, he learned that the other members

* Authorities: same as for the preceding reign.

of it were hunting in the park, but he found the lady Jane at home deeply engaged in the perusal of Plato's Phædon in the original Greek. When he expressed his surprise at her thus foregoing the pleasures of the park, she replied with a smile, "I fancy all their sport is but a shadow to the pleasure that I find in Plato. never felt what true pleasure means." languages, she is said to have been acquainted with French and Italian, and even to have acquired some tincture of the Oriental languages.

Alas! good folks, they
Besides the classic

Her usual residence since her marriage had been at Sion House; but she had lately removed to Chelsea. An order of the council to return to her former abode, and there to await the commands of the king, was now conveyed to her by her husband's sister, lady Sidney. Next morning she was visited by Northumberland, Northampton, Arundel, Huntingdon and Pembroke. They addressed her in terms of unwonted respect; her mother, her mother-inlaw and the marchioness of Northampton then entered, and the duke informed her of the death of her royal cousin, and his devise in her favour, in order to preserve the realm from papistry. The lords then fell on their knees, and swore that they were ready to shed their blood in her right. At this unexpected intelligence Jane burst into a flood of tears and fell senseless on the ground. When she recovered, she bewailed her cousin's death, and expressed her sense of her unfitness to supply his place, but added, looking up to heaven, "If the right be truly mine, O gracious God, give me strength, I pray most earnestly, so to rule as to promote thy honour and my country's good."

A barge was prepared next day, and Jane was conveyed to the Tower, the usual residence of the kings previous to their coronation. As she entered it her train was borne by her own mother; her husband walked at her side, his cap in his hand; all the nobles bent the knee as she passed. Her succession was now proclaimed ; but the people, whose notions of hereditary right were strong, and who hated

1553.]

THE PEOPLE DECLARE FOR MARY.

101

Northumberland, listened with apathy. A vintner's boy who ventured to express his dissent was set in the pillory and lost his ears for his offence. Many of the reformed clergy preached in favour of the present change in the succession. Bishop Ridley exerted his eloquence in the same cause at St. Paul's cross, but with little effect. For this he has been blamed, and it may be with reason; but he had had recent experience of Mary's unyielding bigotry, and doubtless he deemed that there was no safety for the Reformation but in her exclusion.

Though the partisans of Jane had the government, the treasures, a fleet, an army, and the fortresses in their hands, the cause of Mary was strong in the popular notion of her right, and still stronger in the popular aversion to Northumberland. The people of Norfolk, who had suffered so much at his hands in their late insurrection, were therefore disposed to favour her, and she was proclaimed at Norwich (July 13). She had previously written to the council demanding why they had concealed her brother's death, and requiring them to have her instantly proclaimed; a denial of her right was returned, and she was called on to "surcease to molest any of queen Jane's subjects." Her letters to divers of the nobility and gentry were better attended to; the earls of Bath and Sussex, and the heirs of lords Wharton and Mordaunt joined her at the head of their tenantry; and sir Edward Hastings, who had been sent by Northumberland to raise four thousand men for the cause of Jane, led them to the support of Mary. This princess had now removed to the duke of Norfolk's castle of Framlingham, on the coast of Suffolk, that she might escape to Flanders if necessary. A fleet had been sent to intercept her, but the crews were induced to declare in her favour. So many of the nobility and gentry had now joined her that she found herself at the head of an army of thirty thousand men. Sir Edward Hastings and some other leaders were preparing to march from Drayton to Westminster with ten thousand men.

On receiving this intelligence the council directed the duke of Suffolk to advance with the troops which had been collected against the lady Mary; but Jane with tears implored them not to deprive her of her father. As Suffolk's incapacity was well known, the council called on Northumberland himself to take the command. He complied, though with reluctance it is said, for he feared their treachery. He sent his troops forward, and on receiving the assurances of the nobles that they would join him with their forces at Newmarket, he set forth with his train (July 14). The indifference shown by the assembled populace was such as to cause him to observe to lord Gray, as they rode through Shoreditch, "The people press to look on us, but not one saith God speed ye." He proceeded to Cambridge, whence he advanced (July 17) at the head of eight thousand foot and two thousand horse in the direction of Framlingham; but at Bury St. Edmund's he found it advisable to retreat, and he returned to Cambridge, whence he wrote to the council requiring them to send him reinforcements without loss of time.

But things in London had meantime taken a new direction. On the 19th the lord treasurer and lord privy seal, the earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury and Pembroke, sir Thomas Cheney and sir John Mason met at Baynard's Castle, where they were attended by the lord mayor, the recorder, and some of the aldermen. Arundel, who had all along been in secret correspondence with Mary, advised them to acknowledge her; he met the main objection by saying, "How doth it appear that Mary intends any alteration in religion? Certainly, having been lately petitioned on this point by the Suffolk men, she gave them a very hopeful answer*." Pembroke then drew his sword, and exclaimed, "If the arguments of my lord of Arundel do not persuade you, this sword shall make Mary queen, or I

*“Which indeed was true," adds bishop Godwin, as of his own knowledge. As it appears to have been only verbal, it was easy for Mary and her partisans afterwards to deny it.