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way to education and to political and fond of literature, and probably fonder intellectual freedom, I hope something still of science ; calmly unorthodox, may be done for the middle class. The but assuredly not irreligious. Of course young nobles and the young workmen I have been describing the best of the are alike improving and full of prom- class, but only, if I may use such a ise ; I hope the light of education and phrase, the average best"; that is to the spirit of manhood may next illu- say, I have not had in my mind a few mine and animate the young philistines striking and exceptional men ; I have of the middle class.

been thinking of a great many men, The representative English artisan leaders in their own immediate groups, of to-day may then, I think, be de- indeed, but who are to be found everyscribed as a manly, active-minded, self- where without search or trouble of any reliant person, accustomed to disci- kind. I know of no class in the Engpline and understanding its uses ; lish commonwealth of whom better democratic rather in what is called the things can be said, no class who in " philosophical-radical” style than in the same time have made anything like the manner of Bright and Cobden; the same progress.

Fustin McCarthy.


A Few days after the death of Mr. are lingering behind their


soured, Stanton, at the request of the pub- disappointed, and vindictive. He seems lishers of “ The Atlantic” I prepared an specially conscious, - and his conarticle on some of the characteristics sciousness is apparently strengthening of the great Secretary as they revealed with time, – that there are few lawyers, themselves to me in the varying phases fewer statesmen, and no patriots, who of the Rebellion. It was not history this day approve the advice he gave or biography, nor was it intended to the President, on the 20th of Novembe. It spoke of his tireless industry, ber, 1860, in the only act which will carindomitable courage, promptness of de- ry his name to posterity. Contemporacision, readiness to assume responsi- neous history has already pronounced bilities, intense patriotism, and a self- that “ his argument gave much aid and sacrificing devotion to his imperilled comfort to the conspirators,” that he country. In illustration of these char- “virtually counselled the President to acteristics, I cited a few of the many suffer this glorious concrete Republic facts that had come to my knowledge, to become disintegrated by the fires of either by personal observation or the faction or the blows of actual rebellion, authentic testimony of others.

rather than use the force legitimately Mr. Jeremiah S. Black does not like at his service for the preservation of my portraiture of Mr. Stanton, or my its integrity.” Nor is posterity likely statement of facts. He appears in the to reverse this judgment. Loyal men, June number of “The Galaxy" in a whose words and acts are instinct with communication addressed to myself, in patriotism, may perhaps afford to parwhich my statements are questioned don the utterance of one who is passand my conclusions are denied. The ing into history under the irreversible article is characteristic of the man ; condemnation already pronounced of a and I am not surprised at the manner people saved in spite of his imbecile or the matter of it. Mr. Black seems counsels and perilous theories. to belong to a class of public men who As vulgar as vituperative, as ill-man

nered as ill-tempered, with an effrontery press upon him the danger which menas strange and fatuous as it was brazen, aced the nation. These facts were his article falsifies history and defames stated to illustrate Mr. Stanton's exthe dead, though the writer must have alted patriotism, which prompted him known that both the living witnesses and to rise above the claims and clamors of the documentary evidence are at hand mere partisanship, and to invoke the aid to rectify the one and vindicate the of loyal men beyond the lines of his other. It is not now my purpose to reply own party and outside of the administo his laudation of President Buchanan; tration of which he was a member, to or to his denial that Howell Cobb, serve his imperilled country menaced while Secretary of the Treasury, by his by a foul and wicked revolt. Such treasonable utterances at Washington patriotism, however, Mr. Jeremiah S. and among the money-lenders of Wall Black does not comprehend. Such Street, deranged the finances and sunk action he cannot applaud. He sees in the national credit; or to his denial it nothing but“overt acts of treachery.” that John B. Floyd while Secretary of He doubts, questions, denies, and exWar, sent muskets where they could be claims with holy horror: "Into what “ clutched” by the rising conspirators; unfathomed gulfs of moral degradation or to his apology for Toucey; or to his must the man have fallen who could canonization of Jacob Thompson, the have been guilty of this !” smallest and basest of the Cabinet con- Notwithstanding these doubts, de. spirators. I am mindful that Mr. Black nials, and exclamations, Mr. Stanton, was a mere lawyer when he entered the nevertheless, did put himself in comCabinet, that he had little association munication, while in Mr. Buchanan's or acquaintance with statesmen. Of Cabinet, with leading Republicans. Of course his associates in the Cabinetthis fact there is no lack of competent who had some experience in public testimony. Mr. Seward, - certainly not affairs, although they have left little evi- a biassed witness, – under date of June dence in the records of their country of 6th writes :learning, eloquence, or statesmanship, “ You recall the memories of 1860 and towered up before his inexperienced 1861; our anxieties for the 4th of March eyes. No wonder that to this political then to come; the conferences we had, neophyte Jacob Thompson seemed a and the efforts we made. You ask me great and illustrious statesman, “ so to give you my understanding of the immeasurably far above ” the range of position of the lamented Mr. Stanton ordinary mortals, that they “ will never at that time. in this life be able to get a horizontal “When the election of 1860 closed, it view of his character.” My object now left in the Executive Department Presis to defend Mr. Stanton from his ident Buchanan, a Democrat, with an treacherous friendship and vindicate entire Democratic Cabinet, to remain the truthfulness of my statements, in office until the 4th of March, when so recklessly assailed, by testimonies Abraham Lincoln was to be inaugurated which cannot be gainsaid, and which President with a Republican Cabinet. are beyond the reach of cavil and suc- “ Some of the then members of Mr. cessful contradiction.

Buchanan's Cabinet were known to be In portraying the signal services disloyal. General Cass, eminently loyrendered his country by Mr. Stanton, al, was understood to be dissatisfied I referred to the fact that on entering with the President. Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet he put him- “ The Democratic party had a maself in communication with leading Re- jority in Congress, and that majority, publicans in Congress ; that so anxious like the President's Cabinet, included a was he for the safety of the Republic, number of persons who avowed themhe visited by appointment Mr. Sumner selves disloyal, and who ultimately at his lodgings after midnight, to im- joined the seceders in rebellion.

“Many disloyal persons held execu- ferred either in the morning or in the tive and judicial offices throughout the evening or both with Mr. Stanton country, and many of the ministers through the same agency, and the queswho represented the United States in tion what either of us could or ought foreign countries were disloyal. The to do at the time for the public welfare Rebels speedily effected an organiza- was discussed and settled. Mr. Wattion, and the administration was known son often brought with him suggestions to be holding conferences with their in writing from Mr. Stanton and reagents with regard to measures bearing turned to Mr. Stanton with mine. upon disaffected States.

“During all that time I was not in “I was, with you, a member of the social relations with President BuchanSenate, and it early became understood an, and I took care for that and other that I was to be appointed Secretary of reasons not to compromise Mr. StanState by Mr. Lincoln. In this man- ton, or other loyal members of his Cabiner it happened that I came to be re- net, by making public the conferences garded somewhat extensively as a per- which were held between any of them son representing the incoming adminis- and myself. In some cases peculiarly tration and the Republican party, upon perplexing I had Mr. Stanton's perwhich the preservation of the Union mission to refer to him as authority for was so soon to be devolved. We appre- information I gave some of my Union hended the danger of a factious resist- associates. The holding of the consulance by the Rebels at the seat of tations was made known by me, with government, and an outbreak of the Mr. Stanton's consent, to President Linrevolution in Congress ; probably on coln and some other political friends. the occasion of counting the electoral With these exceptions, the consultavotes, or at the inauguration. We tions between Mr. Stanton and myself were alarmed by plots for the assassi- were kept by me in entire confidence, nation of the President on his way and they have remained so. from Illinois.

“One day, as I was riding through F “There were many suspected officers Street from the Capitol, I met Mr. Stanin the army and the navy; and both ton on foot. We recognized each other, those arms of the executive power and a hurried explanation concerning seemed inadequate to the crisis. our relations, as they were being con

“ I arrived in Washington and took ducted through the agency of Mr. Watup my residence there immediately after son, took place. We separated quickly, the election, and devoted myself thence- from the motive on my part, and I supforth exclusively to the public service. posed on his, of avoiding public obser

“If my memory serves me, I did not vation. This was the only occasion, as personally know Edwin M. Stanton I remember, on which I met Mr. Stanuntil after he was appointed Attorney- ton until after the expiration of Mr. General, in place of Hon. Jeremiah S. Buchanan's Presidential term.” Black, who became Secretary of State While Mr. Seward forbears giving deon the resignation of General Cass. tails of the consultations held with Mr.

“Mr. Peter H. Watson, who during Stanton, he states that whenever they Mr. Lincoln's administration became had occasion “ to discuss measures it a very devoted and efficient Assistant was only the right, fitness, expediency, Secretary of War, was an intimate per- and sufficiency of these measures that sonal friend of Mr. Stanton as well as came in question”; and that Mr. Stanof myself. Immediately after Mr. Stan

ton expressed “ entire confidence in ton took office, he put himself into in- the loyalty of the President and of the direct communication with me at my heads of the departments who remained house, employing Mr. Watson for that in association with him until the close purpose. Every day thereafter, until of that administration." the inauguration had passed, I con- Concerning the midnight visit which VOL. XXVI. — NO. 156.



so excites the incredulity and indigna – that this was impossible at his of tion of Mr. Black Mr. Sumner him fice, — that he was watched by the traiself writes:

tors of the South, – that my visit would “My acquaintance with Mr. Stanton be made known to them at once, goes back to my first entrance into the he concluded by proposing to call on me Senate, as long ago as 1851, when Mr. at my lodgings at one o'clock that night, Chase said to me one day, “There is when he would tell me of the fearful an Ohio friend of mine here who will condition of affairs as he saw them. I be glad to know you,' and he intro said in reply that I would expect him. duced me to Mr. Stanton. I was busy at the time named by him. in the Senate and he was busy in “ He came at one o'clock that night, court, so that we saw little of each and was alone with me for an hour. other, but whenever we met it was as During this time he described to me friends. I remember well how much the determination of the Southern leadhe was excited, when, in the debate on ers, and developed particularly their the Boston petition for the repeal of plan to obtain possession of the nathe Fugitive Slave Bill, immediately tional capital and the national archives, after the surrender of Anthony Burns, so that they might substitute themJune, 1854, I was set upon by the slave selves for the existing government. I masters of the Senate, Mr. Mason and was struck, not only by the knowledge Mr. Butler leading in the assault. Mr. he showed of hostile movements, but Stanton was on the floor of the Senate by his instinctive insight into men while I was speaking, and afterwards and things. His particular object was spoke of the incident with much sym to make us all watchful and prepared pathy for me. On the evening of this for the traitors. I saw nobody at the debate he was at the house of our ex time who had so strong a grasp of cellent friend Dr. Bailey, who did so the whole terrible case. The energies much against slavery, and there dwelt which he displayed afterwards as Secon the conduct of certain Senators. retary of War, and which wore him to

“I always understood that Mr. Stan death, were already conspicuous ; nor ton was a Democrat who hated slav can I doubt that, had his spirit preery; and when he went into the Cabi- vailed in the beginning, the Rebellion net of Mr. Buchanan, I felt that the would have been strangled at its birth. national cause must derive strength “In the summer that followed, espefrom his presence there. You do not cially during the July session of Conforget those anxious days. At last, in gress, I was in the habit of seeing Mr. the month of January, 1861, while our Stanton at his house in the evening, troops were left to starve in Fort and conferring with him freely. His Sumter, I called on him at the Attorney- standard was high, and he constantGeneral's office, relying on his patriot ly spoke with all his accustomed power ism for information and counsel with of our duties in the suppression of the regard to the state of the country. He Rebellion. Nobody was more earnest was in the inner room, where he re than himself. Compared with him the ceived me kindly, seeming glad to see President and Congress seemed slow. me. Looking about and seeing some “It was his burning patriotism and body in the room, he whispered that remarkable vigor of character which we must be alone, and then passed determined his selection as Secretary into the anteroom, where was also of War; but at this time he was very somebody, and then into the next little known to Senators personally. room, and then into the next, when, You may remember that, on the refinding somebody in each room, he ceipt of his nomination by the Senate, opened the door into the corridor, I rose at once, and, after stating my where he began an earnest conversa acquaintance with him, declared that tion, saying that he must see me alone, within my knowledge he was one of us.”

This testimony of Mr. Sumner may

committee. I did not see him write satisfy Mr. Black that Mr. Stanton's them. I never heard him say he wrote midnight visit was actually made, and them. It would be easier, however, to may give him some insight into that persuade me that Mr. Jefferson did not gentleman's associations and antislav- write the Declaration of Independence ery proclivities. It may perhaps lead than that Mr. Stanton did not write him to modify somewhat his bald and those resolutions. If he did write unsupported declaration that “he had them, they are a sufficient answer to all no affinities whatever with men of your that Mr. Black has said or can say: [my] school in morals or politics,” and Whoever wrote them and requested that “ his condemnations of the Aboli- the House of Representatives to adopt tionists were unsparing for their hy- them would not have occupied any pocrisy, their corruption, their enmity doubtful position. I do not think I to the Constitution, and their lawless saw Mr. Stanton at any time between disregard for the rights of States and the 1st of January and the 4th of individuals.”

March, 1861; but I think I heard from Mr. William A. Howard, of Michi- him more times than there were days gan, was for several years a member in those two months. The clearest of the House, and a gentleman of large statements of legal rights, defining the and commanding influence. In a letter boundaries of treason, the most startto Attorney-General Hoar, under date ling facts, when the evidences of of the 7th of February, from which treachery could be found, were furI am permitted to quote, he says : nished.

“And now commenced a series “One of the secretaries had acceptof efforts most strange, that lasted ed the resignation of officers who had through two long and fearful months, joined the Rebellion, and had dated - so fearful, indeed, that even now at back the resignations, in one case two this late day, and when the Republic days, for the avowed purpose of prois safe, I shudder to think of them. If tecting the scoundrel from trial by nayou will refer to the resolutions of the val or military law, for leading the atHouse early in January, 1861, under tack on the Pensacola Navy-Yard on the which the special committee, of which 12th day of January, 1861, while he still I was chairman, was appointed, you held his commission. The letter coverwill see that the committee was clothed ing the resignation stated that the reswith very ample powers. That com- ignation was written on the 13th, but mittee was raised at the request of dated back to the rith, the day before loyal members of the Cabinet. The the attack, and he wanted the acceptresolutions came from them and were ance to be dated from that day, so as to placed in my hands with a request save him from military law. It boasted that I would offer them, and thus be- that they had smashed the civil courts come, if they should pass, chairman in Florida. The resignation was reof the committee. At first I refused ceived at the department on the 22d to assume so fearful a responsibility. day of January at eight o'clock in the But being urged to do so by members afternoon; but the acceptance was and Senators, I at last consented to do dated on the uth as requested. I so, on condition that the Speaker would state dates from memory, and may not allow me to nominate two members of be entirely accurate. We were put upthe committee. I selected Mr. Dawes on this inquiry by information brought of Massachusetts and Mr. Reynolds to us by a bird' which flew directly of New York. Mr. Reynolds was from some Cabinet minister to the elected as a Democrat, but he was committee-room. I never suspected true as steel and a good lawyer. Mr. Black or Mr. Toucey of this im

“I do not know that Mr. Stanton propriety.' If I suspected Mr. Stanwrote the resolutions creating the ton or Mr. Dix or Mr. Holt, it was

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