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The longer suffix -ti appears in išduwati 'he appeared' and nahšariyandati 'they feared'; but this, unlike t, sometimes appears in present forms. The second personal neyattati 'you turn, send' may or may not be an extension of a form *neyatta; but, at any rate, ešwaštati (e-šú-wa-áš-ta-ti) 'we sit' has a by-form eswasta (e-šú-wa-áš-ta).32

Similarly the present forms in the second column of Table I are clearly derived from those in the first column by the addition of a suffix -ri. Compare kiša and kišari, iyatta and iyattari, iyanta and iyantari. Consequently the first personal forms iyahhari 'I go' and arhahari 'I come' presume some such forms as *iyahha and *arhaha; that is, precisely such

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present forms as should lie at the basis of the preterits iyahhat and iyahhahat. In view of these two lines of evidence I conjecture that Hittite once possessed a present middle first sing. ending in -ha or -haha. Probably we shall sooner or later find such forms in present value.

The imperative second pl. ardumat 'come ye' has the same ending as the preterit kišdumat, and the ending of kidumati 'lie ye' is related to this as is the ending of išduwati 'he appeared' to that of kišat he became'. The active voice also uses the preterit second pl. as imperative, e.g. iyatten 'ye made' and 'make ye'. Compare the 'injunctive' use of augmentless aorists in Skt. The r-forms of the imperative are obviously analogical; compare the active forms iyallu 'I will make', iyaddu ‘let him make', iyandu 'let them make'. I have no suggestion to offer as to the imperative second sing. ending -hhut.

The relationship of some of the Hittite medio-passive endings to IE 32 See Friedrich, AO 4. 95 (1927).

terminations is obvious. The -ta of the third sing. present and -nta of the corresponding pl. must be identified with the IE secondary endings -to and -nto. The only element in Table I that can contain the final -ai, which is characteristic of the primary tenses of the middle voice in Gk. and Skt., and to some extent also in IE, is the separable -ti of ešwaštati išduwati, etc. The particle or suffix **tai, which we must therefore assume for PIE, is the direct source of the IE primary ending -tai, and from there final -ai was no doubt carried by analogy to other IE primary middle endings, such as the plural *-ntai. After the close of the IE period the process was carried somewhat further in Greek and much further in Skt., as is evident from Table II (slightly altered from Brugmann).

The first pl. ending -wašta looks like a contamination of the IE dual active ending *ues, *-yos, which might appear in Hittite as *-was, with the dual middle ending *yedha (Hittite *-weta), which I infer for IE on the strength of Skt. -vahe, Gk. -μelov, (with -ov from the other persons), and the Gk. pl. ending -μeła. Possibly Homeric Greek ❤epóμeσla 'we bring for ourselves' is a similar contamination of pepóμela with the active époμes, although the latter form survived into the historical period only in the Doric dialects. If so, the contamination probably occurred in primitive Greek, and this ending may have induced the σ of the second personal ending -σ0e (beside Skt. -dhve).33

The second pl. ending -duma must stand in some relation to the Skt. endings -dhve (primary and perfect) and -dhvam (secondary). It may contain the nil-grade of the secondary ending with a final a (originally o) from the third person.

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Of peculiar significance is the correspondence of the r-endings of the third person with certain medio-passive endings of Italo-Celtic and Tocharian; -tari Lat. -tur, and -ntari Lat. -ntur, while -ari corre= sponds in form with the ending of OIr. berir, -berar 'he is carried', and of Osc. sakrafír 'let one sacrifice'. The evidence of Hittite does not favor the connection of these endings with the r-endings of the third pl. active, which has become almost a dogma of IE comparative grammar. Hittite employs the ending -er (often written -ir) to form preterit third plurals of either conjugation; e.g. kuenzi 'he kills', kuenta 'he killed', kuennir 'they killed'; dai 'he takes', das 'he took', dair 'they took'. While this active ending is appended directly to the verb stem to form

33 Brugmann, Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatik der Indogermanischen Sprachen 22. 3. 651, derives the σ of -μeo0a from the second personal endings -σ0€ and -o0ov; but there is no evidence that the sound was original there either.

preterit third plurals, the medio-passive -ri is appended to certain present forms already characterized by a personal ending. While the ending -er is found in all active third persons preterit, the medio-passive -ri may be omitted without any change of meaning that has yet been detected. In the active ending the vowel precedes the consonant, but in the medio-passive ending it follows. It is possible, however, that the sharp distinction between the two endings is a Hittite innovation. For example, the final vowel of -ri may come from the ending -ti = IE -tai, which was discussed above.

We are now ready to consider h in certain of the medio-passive endings. Hittite iyahhari 'I go' and arhahari 'I come' may represent PIE **iohori and **rhohori, which should yield IE *iōri and *rōri. If the final i of the ending -ri is a Hittite innovation, we should assume rather PIE **iohor and **rhohor, whence IE *ior, and *ror. In either case we have a satisfactory source for the ending of Lat. feror 'I am carried', OIr. labrur 'I speak', etc.

The present first personal endings without r, which we have had to reconstruct for Hittite, namely -ha and -haha, would similarly lead to IE -ō; and this, I imagine, is the source of the anomalous first personal active ending of the IE thematic verbs. After -ōr had established itself as characteristic of the medio-passive, the originally equivalent -ō was re-interpreted as an active.

The above conclusions bring two new arguments in favor of Forrer's theory that Hittite represents an earlier off-shoot from the parent stock than the IE languages strictly so called.34

The Hittite medio-passive inflection has a far more primitive appearance than that of any IE language; we can still analyse a number of its forms into their elements. Some of these peculiarly lucid inflectional endings seem nearly identical with an early stage in the development of the IE medio-passive, while others (the preterit and part of the imperative endings) must result from an independent development in which IE had no share. No doubt such a state of affairs is conceivable in a language related to the parent speech precisely as are Skt. and Gk.; but it is easier to understand, if we can ascribe the traces of an early stage of IE to an early date of separation, and the features which are totally unlike IE to an independent development.

More cogent is the discovery in Hittite of an original sound which none

34 See Forrer, Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 61. 26 (1921). Cf. Kretschmer, Glotta 14. 300-19 (1925); Sturtevant, LANGUAGE, 2. 25–34.

of the IE languages have preserved. There is some difficulty in assuming even in a single language the total disappearance of a common sound without leaving a trace. Several sounds of the parent speech are lacking in each of the historical tongues, but each of them is represented more or less consistently by some other sound. Ancient Gk. had no voiced aspirates, but it had voiceless aspirates instead. In Modern Greek there are no aspirates at all, but spirants have taken their place. In Greek s was early lost between vowels and initially before vowels, and in Modern Greek there is nothing left to take its place; but s still survives under certain other conditions. Can we then assume that so rare a phenomenon as the total loss of a common sound has occurred independently in each of the eight branches of thd IE family?

Some will reply that the one speech sound which is frequently lost without leaving a trace is aspiration, and they will adduce the total loss of Latin h in all the Romance languages. Quite aside from the fact that Hittite and PIE h was probably much stronger than Lat. h (like German ch, or even stronger), it was also a far more frequent sound than Lat. h.

But even if we could admit the validity of the Romance parallel, it would but strengthen our case. Latin h was not lost independently by each of the Romance languages; it was lost once for all in Vulgar Latin. Just so PIE h was lost just once during the history of IE, while it was preserved intact by Hittite.

SOME LINGUISTIC NOTES ON THE MĪMĀŃSĀ SYSTEM

FRANKLIN EDGERTON

YALE UNIVERSITY

Hindus of reflective tendencies have always been much given to linguistic analysis and speculation. All Indian systems deal more or less with problems of the nature of language, the relation of sound to sense, etc. When the time comes for a general History of Linguistic Theories, the Indian section will bulk large. While none of the recognized philosophic systems can be neglected, the three most important ones from this standpoint are, no doubt, the Vaiyākaraṇikas or grammatical school (most prominently represented by Pāṇini), the Naiyāyikas or followers of Nyaya, and the Mimānsakas or school of the Pūrva-Mīmānsā.

The Mīmānsā is in essence a code of legal logic, intended to interpret the laws of the Vedic ritual, and deduced-at least in theory-from the texts of the Veda. It holds that the Veda is eternal, uncreated, without beginning or end, and of absolute authority. Vedic commands constitute the whole duty of man, and it is the aim of the Mimāǹsā to interpret those commands systematically-to deduce logical principles by which the apparently unsystematic Vedic texts may be understood and applied in practice. The logical principles which the Mimānsā worked out for the ritual code could be, and were in fact, applied to other codes of law, that is what we mean by law in the ordinary sense. This constitutes one of the reasons for the historic importance of the system.

The other chief reason is the linguistic theories and methods of the Mīmānsă. Some of the more spectacular of these, such as the doctrine of the eternality of words, have been repeatedly described in western writings. They have, in fact, attracted an amount of attention quite disproportionate to their prominence in the original sources. It is easy

1 See e.g. Keith, The Karma-Mīmāmsā 37ff., London, 1921. This handy little volume is the most convenient source of information on the system; but it deals almost entirely with its speculative side, whereas in most of the original texts the practical side bulks very much larger. Of this Keith tells us little, and what he tells is not always correct.

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