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persons singular, tehhi and tehhun. This person occurs in the texts less frequently than the third, and consequently it is citable from only a minority of the verbs which are known to belong to this class. We have nehhi 'I turn, send', and nehhun 'I turned'. 'I give' is written pí-ih-hi and 'I gave' pi-ih-hu-un; but the sign BI is used in the value pé as well as pi (e.g. pé-e-di and pé-di for pedi3), and the sign AH is employed
with any preceding vowel. Clearly we should read pehhi and pehhun to harmonize with pešti (pé-eš-ti) 'you give', pešta (pé-eš-ta) 'he gave', the iterative-durative peškit (pé-eš-ki-it) 'he gave', etc. Similarly iš-hi-ih-hu-un 'I levied' (KBo. 5. 8. 2. 3) should be read išhehhun, although a specific sign for he was available. Few as they are, these forms are the only first persons singular that can be considered original; their
'See Sommer, Boghazköi Studien 7. 36-45.
only rivals are huwiyami 'I flee', huwiyannun 'I fled', etc., which belong properly to the mi-conjugation.
In one case the assumption of an original stem ending in e is supported by a sure etymology. The stem te- 'place' must be identified with IE *dhe-. Orthography gives no hint of a long vowel in tehhi and tehhun, although such forms as da-a-i and da-a-iš are common; but, as already suggested, it is hardly possible to interpret the double writing of a vowel as a mark of length, and it is quite certain that lack of such a doubling does not indicate original short quantity. The contrast between dahhi ‘I take': IE *dō- and tehhi 'I place': IE *dhe- proves that original ē-stems form one source of our third class.
A second source is to be recognized in Pre-Indo-European bases ending in ei. Since these roots yield in the IE languages both ē-stems (e.g. éμávny) and io/yo-stems (e.g. palvoμat from *mnyo-), the fact that the first column of Table II shows e-stems and the fifth iya-stems suggests the presence of the root-final ei. Possibly some of the forms in ai(š) in our third and fourth columns come directly from PIE ēi; but we shall see that the forms of the third and fourth columns may be explained by analogy.
Several etymologies prove that ēi-stems are included in our material. A few months ago I suggested' the connection of huwa-, huwiya- 'flee' with Lat. fugio, etc. At that time I had to assume that the Hittite word came from **bheu-, whereas fugio, Gk. ebyw, etc. represented a base with root-determinative (*bheu-g-). I am now able to trace both the Hittite and the IE words to an original **bheug"- Brugmann3 assumed a final labio-velar in this root to account for OEng. byle 'swelling, boil' and OHG bulla 'blister', and Hirt' connected pebyw and eßoμai on the basis of **bheweg-. Whether we accept their premises or not, they were right about the final sound of the root. For our point it does not matter whether the g of Lat. fugio is due to loss of labialization after u (so Brugmann) or before y (*bhug"yo), as Persson 10 would have it. There is no doubt that in Greek the labialization was regularly lost after ul. Elsewhere a labio-velar is as satisfactory as a pure velar in this root.
The IE languages show fewer io-stems from bases in ai and ōi, and bases of these types would not account for the forms in the first and second columns of Table II.
'Language 3. 114 (1927).
Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatik 12. 596.
• Der Indogermanische Ablaut 135.
10 Beiträge zur Indogermanischen Wortforschung 571.
Hittite huwa-, huwiya-, then, shows w for original g". That this is the regular development is indicated by wemiya- 'find, get beside Lat. venio, Gk. Baivw, from *g"myo- 'come'. The two meanings are tied together by Lat. invenio 'find' and Hittite appan wemiya- 'come upon unexpectedly, surprise' (in the military sense). Furthermore wemiyais most naturally translated 'come' in Keilschrift-Urkunden aus Boghazköi 14. 3. 1. 53. The Hittite king has invited Tawagalawas to come into the city of Mellawanda to meet him, and Tawagalawas has politely refused. The king continues: GIM-an-ma-mu [Ú.UL ŠAG U]RU an-da ú-e-mi-ya-at . . . . 'As he did [not] come into the city to me Either the Hittite verb contains the full grade of the root or we must assume that syllabic m before i yielded em, although it became am before other vowels and um before consonants1o.
Another instance of Hittite w beside IE g" is presented by walh'strike'13, which is cognate with Gk. ßáλλw 'throw'. That the latter word has an initial labio-velar is shown by Arcadian éodédλovtes EKßáλλovτes, whether or not we identify it with Skt. galati 'drips, falls'. For the loss in IE of medial h, which is preserved in Hittite, see my remarks in Language 3. 121 f. (1927).
So then, huwiyami is the exact equivalent of Lat. fugio, except for the personal ending, and huwai 'he flees' represents the corresponding ē-stem (**bhug"ē-), just as dai 'he places' represents an original stem **dhe-. It is no longer necessary to describe the relationship of these two stems as Götze1 recently did: ". .. huwiyami und huwai, durch ein noch nicht genau fassbares Lautgesetz einander entfremdet. They were unlike from the first, and their welding into a single conjugational system was a secondary development.
A parallel to this word is presented by huwai 'grows', hui-, huiš(i.e. huwi-, huweš-) 'live'15. The IE io-stem appears in Lat. fio 'become' and elsewhere, and the ei-stem is evidenced by Skt. bhavi-tvas 'future', etc. 16
In the above mentioned discussion of Hittite ari1 I pointed out the general equivalence in form and meaning between arnuzi 'he brings' and Skt. rnoti, Gk. öpvvo, between artat 'he took his stand' and Gk. ρTо, between arškizzi 'he comes' and OP arasam 'I came', and between
12 See Sturtevant, American Journal of Philology 48. 251-4 (1927).
13 See Sommer and Ehelolf, BoSt. 10. 76 f. and references.
14 Zeitschrift für Assyriologie Neue Folge 2. 15 (1925).
15 See Sturtevant, Language 3. 110–2 (1927).
16 See Brugmann, Grundriss 22. 3. 153.
17 Language 3. 161-8 (1927).
ari 'he (has) arrived' and Skt. aritha 'thou art sprung'. I noted also the parallelism in meaning between Hittite arai 'he rises (against)' and Lat. adoritur. We are now prepared to see the connection in form also between these two; it happens that no forms in iya from this particular verb have come to light, but it is safe to say that the first person plural was *ariyaweni or, less probably, a middle form, *ariyawaštati.
The ai-stem of the metaplastic forms warraizzi and warrait indicates that the equivalent warrai should be assigned to the third class of the hi-conjugation. If Hrozný18 is right in interpreting anda warrai as 'he shuts in', he is also right in comparing Lith. veriù 'open' or 'close' < and Lat. operio 'cover' >.
Hittite šai, pl. šiyanzi 'put on; seal'19 is to be connected with Skt. syati, sināti ‘binds' (perfect sasau). If the Skt. word is related to Lat. saeta 'bristle', OEng. sāda 'rope, snare', etc.20, we must assume an IE root *sai-. Our Hittite verb suggests that there may have been a byeform *sei- (cf. *bhewēi- beside *bhewā-). It is possible, however, that šai was conjugated according to the second or a-class, as would be natural for a verb with original ai; there would be nothing strange in a miconjugation verb siyami from PIE **sāi-; in fact, that is virtually what we have in Skt. syati. A preterit *šaš or an imperative, *ša would settle the question in favor of the second class, while a preterit *šaiš or *šešta would indicate the third class. Even if we should find a preterit *šaiš, we should have to reckon with the possibility of a transfer from the second to the third class in Hittite itself.
Such a transfer must apparently be assumed in the case of peddai 'he flies, flees', peddaiš 'he fled'21, which betrays the original vocalism of Doric Trav 'I flew, fled' in the imperative pé-e-da22. No doubt the transfer to the third class was due to the influence of huwai 'he flees'. Beside nai 'he turns, sends'23 we have a third pl. neyanzi and middle
18 BoSt. 3. 2163.
19 See Sommer and Ehelolf, BoSt. 10. 36 f.; Ehelolf, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 29. 987 f. (1926).
20 See Walde, Lateinisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch2 669.
21 See Götze, Hatt. 85; Friedrich, Staatsverträge des Hatti-Reiches in Hethitischer Sprache 81, 156.
22 KBo. 5. 4. 2. 48 = Friedrich, Staatsvert. 68. Friedrich, op. cit. 156, cites also a preterit píd-da-a-áš, but pid-da-a-iš stands in the passage to which he refers.
23 See Weidner, Archiv. für Keilschriftforschung 1. 62 f. (1923); Götze, Hatt. 76; Friedrich, ZA NF. 3. 199 (1927). Friedrich, ib. 2. 52 f. (1925), discusses the compounds pennai and unnai ‘he drives'; but I doubt his interpretation of the prefixes. More convincing on the prefix pe is Götze, Hatt. 83 f.
forms neya, neyari, etc. While this stem does not harmonize with the iya-stems of other verbs of our third class, it agrees perfectly with Skt. nayati 'he leads'. The Skt. participle nītas requires a dissyllabic base **neya*-24, and Hittite nehhi, nehhun, naiš, etc. indicate that it was **neye-. Occasional forms of the second class (na, pennahhi, pennahhun, etc.) are due to the influence of uta- 'bring', peda- 'bring', and weda'take', all of which are regularly conjugated according to that class.
One of the commonest verbs of the third class is pai 'he gives' (pl. piyanzi). If the word has an IE etymology at all, we must connect it with Skt. pyāyate 'be exuberant, swell, overflow'. Other words from the base **poyē-25 are fairly common in the IE languages, and they indicate that the Skt. verb has preserved the original meaning pretty closely. A semantic development: 'be exuberant, overflow' > 'be generous' > 'give' is not improbable. The IE languages do not disclose the quality of the final vowel of the base; but there is nothing to interfere with one's assuming that it was ē, as I have done on the Hittite evidence. The proposed etymology involves the assumption that initial py becomes p in Hittite, and until some further evidence to this effect can be adduced, it must remain somewhat doubtful.
In view of the approximation of Latin eo 'go' to the form of the verbs of the fourth conjugation, both in the present and in the perfect, it is not surprising to find in our third class a compound verb whose second member is cognate with eo. Friedrich 26 has shown that appai (pl. appiyanzi) means 'is finished, is over', e.g. šal-li a-še-eš-šar a-ap-pa-a-i, 'der grosse Gottesdienst ist aus'. In this phrase appai is equivalent to Lat. abiit, and so -ai corresponds to it. The inflection of the perfect of *ei- 'go' in IE presents a difficult problem, and I shall not now attempt to fit the Hittite material into so doubtful a structure; but I feel sure that it belongs there.
We may have another compound of *ei- 'go' in Hittite zai 'he crosses'27 (preterit zais). If so the prefix is probably the same as in zenna'bring to an end, complete'28, from *ze 'through' (?) and na- 'send'. One naturally thinks of a connection with Gk. diá 'through'.
The second and fourth columns of Table II differ from the first and third respectively in the insertion of & immediately before the personal
* See Walde-Pokorny, VWIS 2. 321.
25 See Walde-Pokorny, VWIS 2. 73–75. 26 ZA NF. 2. 294 (1925).
27 See Götze, Hatt. 78 and references.
28 See Weidner, AKF 1. 64 (1923).