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an accented syllable I believe that we have here a simple, ordinary case of compensación entre versos37 and that the faulty text should be corrected to en guar de:

'Si le tocan de la espuela

con gran priesa y turbación,

<en> guar de salir con cautela,

da los dientes a la ación.'

Aside from the above cases for Córdoba I know of no examples of the phenomena in question for the modern Spanish dialects except the New Mexican en gual de (Studies in New Mexican Spanish I § 214).

The development was probably as follows: in locale de>Old Spanish en logar de (cf. French en lieu de) > en lugar de. Old Spanish logar became lugar very early although the reason for the change of o to u is not clear. There is also an Old Spanish form logal a more primitive form from locale. En lugar de through metathesis becomes *en gular de, and then the pretonic vowel u although tending to disappear, following the old rule in Spanish, remains as consonantal u after the fall of intervocalic 1, the result being *en gular de>*en gu(l)ar de>en guar de, the form found in the XVth century Spanish of Corvacho. The fall of the intervocalic 7 in this case is not without parallel in Spanish phonology. I shall cite now only one case with a similar development, namely, eguar <egualar (modern Spanish igualar) <Latin aequalāre, a form found in Berceo, Milagros 67, c. The Córdoba an guar de is exactly the same phenomenon that we find in Corvacho except for an instead of en, an opening of the vowel e to a before a nasal +consonant, a very common linguistic change in Spanish dialectology.38 The New Mexican Spanish en gual de is also the XVth century phenomenon but with final instead of r. It could be explained as a more archaic development with a final 7 preserved from the Old Spanish logal, en logal de> en lugal de>*en gulal de>*en gu(l)al de>en gual de. As a matter of fact such a development would also explain the tendency of the intervocalic to fall through dissimilation. Since Old Spanish oá>tends to become uá (cf. Joan>Juan), especially in popular speech,39 it is not even necessary to assume that logal or logar went through the

37 See my two articles La sinalefa entre versos en la versificación española (The Romanic Review 16. 103–121) and La compensación entre versos en la versificación española (Ibid., 306-29).

38 Studies in New Mexican Spanish I § 23.

39 Ibid. § 85. The phenomenon is common in Vulgar Latin.

stages lugal or lugar in the development of en guar de, en gual de, for after the fall of intervocalic l *en go(l)ar de would regularly become *en goar de > en guar de.

The second example from Córdoba, an eguar de with epenthetic e between n and g is not easy to explain, but the presence of the epenthetic vowel between a nasal and a velar is not entirely different from the numerous cases between a liquid and a velar that are found in the Spanish dialects.40 It would also be possible to explain the epenthetic vowel through analogy with the phrase igual de < Old Spanish egual de, but I have no cases of en igual de = en guar de or en lugar de either from literary or dialectic sources.

5. anque, onque, enque

These forms of the literary Spanish aunque, adverb and conjunction, < Latin ad-huc (cf. Aragonese adú)+que with final n in aun from analogy to bien, non, sin, are very rare in the Cuentos, although according to some of the authorities cited below at least anque is quite common in the Spanish dialects. I have only the following examples: anque, Granada 52 ('Y er de la rueda e molino coge la botella y anque la bruja había partido ante sale é como un rayo .'), Córdoba 458 ('Ese sapo me vi a pillá y anque sea sapo me lo vi a comé.'); onque, Granada 334 ('Y dijo:-Unos caballos como éstos los llevaría yo al palacio onque me costaran un ojo de la cara. Y cuando vido la carroza que estaba también convertida en alabastro dijo:-Una carroza como ésta la llevaría yo al palacio onque me costara un ojo de la cara.'); enque, Palencia 253 (-No se corte usté nada que enque sea con trabajo yo le llevaré.').

The form anque is recorded for Salamanca by Lamano y Beneite, for Galicia by Cuverio Piñol,41 for Asturias by Munthe,42 and further for Andalucía by Machado y Alvarez.43 In American Spanish it is found in New Mexico, Mexico, Chile, Puerto Rico and Columbia.44 Onque and enque are also found in New Mexico. In New Mexico there is also a form unque.

The forms anque, onque are quite commonly used in XVIth century

40 Ibid., § 193.

41 Diccionario gallego, Barcelona, 1876, s.v.

42 Anteckningar om formålet i en trakt af vestra Asturien 58, Upsala, 1887.

43 Studies in New Mexican Spanish I, § 34 and notes.

44 Ibid.; also II § 89; Cuervo, Apuntaciones § 764, and Marxuach 61.

Spanish. Anque is used in literature even in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries. In my Studies in New Mexican Spanish I § 34 and notes I have cited numerous examples. Anque is used by Santa Teresa, Torres Naharro, Sanchez de Badajoz, Ramón de la Cruz and others, while onque, which is less frequent is used by Juan del Encina. I have no cases of enque or unque from literary Spanish. The XVIth century writers who use the forms anque, onque use likewise the forms an, on, aón, áun, aún. Aón for aun is apparently a very old form. In Torres Naharro the form occurs in rime many times, and aonque is also found.45 To explain the development of the above dialectic forms of the Cuentos we must start with the simple adverb aun<ad-huc. When accented áun, as the word is generally pronounced today when in the weak position before the word or phrase modified,46 the reduction of áu to a is explained by regressive assimilation to the accented and more sonorous vowel, as in the cases of alante and ande already discussed.46 If the development of áunque>anque is contemporaneous with áun>an the phonetic process is the same. In the case of onque we have progressive assimilation after the accent has shifted in the middle form áon developed by assimilation from áun. The form aón found in Torres Naharro becomes on and hence onque. But in view of the fact that a form aonque occurs the shift of accent may have occurred here at the same time as in the simple aon and hence aónque>onque through the same process of progressive assimilation. The dialectic enque from the Palencia text, found also in Salamanca (Lamano y Beneite) and in New Mexico, may be due to weakening of the initial vowel through proclisis. It may have developed from onque. The form could also develop through the confusion of the prefixes an-, en-, in the dialects due to the tendency of en- to become an- before velar consonants and in other sporadic cases.47

(To be continued)

45 See Pietsch, Mod. Phil. 5. 100. An example of aon is cited from the XIIIth century Castilian version of the Concilio de León of 1020.

46 Navarro Tomás, Manual de pronunciación española, 157-8. The development of áu>a is found in the Cuentos in other cases: va sté<va ústed, 140; guarde a sté<guarde a usted, 241; ¿ qué le pasa a té? 264; ya sté sabe<ya usted sabe, 379. Under certain conditions this phenomenon is found also in Old Spanish and in Vulgar Latin.

47 In the same text from Palencia we find no estante <no obstante, but this change may come under the more general prefix confusions so common in Spanish. See Studies in New Mexican Spanish I §51 and Menéndez Pidal, Gramática histórica española, op. cit., 39.


Die L-, R- und D-Laute in austronesischen Sprachen. By OTTO DEMPWOLFF. (Sonderabdruck aus der "Zeitschrift für Eingeborenensprachen," Band XV, Berlin, 1925.)

This contribution, although it appeared as a series of journal articles, deserves to be mentioned not only because of its size and importance, but also because the Zeitschrift für Eingeborenensprachen is scarcely known in our country. Dempwolff's study amounts to a comparative Austronesian phonology, probably as complete and detailed as human ingenuity could make it with the data that are available. It thus brings to a conclusion, for the time being, such researches as those of H. Kern and C. E. Conant. Further advance will be possible, it would seem, only when more material can be used. Especially in the Philippine group interest has centered upon the grammars of the early missionaries, as though the languages were not directly accessible. There are few contributions of material, like O. Scheerer's Kalinga Texts (Philippine Journal of Science 19. 175) or the late C. W. Seidenadel's Bontoc Grammar (Chicago, 1909). A result of this scarcity of material is, for instance, that Dempwolff is forced to ignore accent.

Outlining the sound-history of one of the world's largest linguistic stocks, Dempwolff's study ranks as a major contribution to our knowledge of the history of speech.


La Science du Mot: traité de sémantique. Pp. vii + 426. By A. CARNOY. Louvain: Editions "Universitas", 1927.

Professor Carnoy seeks to present a complete treatise on the semantic processes, which had not hitherto been done. He devotes the first chapters (pp. 1-82) to general linguistic and psychological considerations, related to his main subject, and then takes up (pp. 83-378) the various kinds of change of meaning. After this come an excellent history of semantics, with a bibliography (pp. 388-400), a synopsis of the classification (pp. 401-7), and indices (408-26).

The author has in mind also to create for semantics a definite technical terminology, to replace the present unsettled condition of the sub

ject. He accordingly invents some 35 or more terms ending in -sémie (Greek onuela, which does not occur in classical Greek), the prior elements being those well known in technical terms. Thus métasémie denotes in general a change of meaning; métendosémie is a change to a new meaning in which the main emphasis is on a different element already inherent in the old meaning (Abcd becomes aBcd or abCd), as when lunch 'repas de midi' becomes 'collation, petit repas'. Métecsémie is a shift to a new meaning in which at least one of the elements present in the old meaning is no longer present, though at least one such element still remains, as when Latin testa 'cruche' gives French tête 'head'. And so on. It is indeed highly desirable that semantics should have a fixed terminology; but whether Carnoy's scheme will receive acceptance or not is doubtful; for there are two objections to it. First, the words are identical in the second part, which makes them more difficult to distinguish; second, they are all new and unfamiliar, and not infrequently replace terms already familiar in rhetoric, such as metaphor (= métecsémie). A judicious mingling of old and new, with distinctions made by attributive adjectives (which he does indeed sometimes offer as definitions of his subdivisions), would seem more likely to gain acceptance.

All the categories are richly illustrated by examples, drawn chiefly from French, Dutch, and English, though German, Latin, and Greek are well represented, and Italian, Spanish, and Slavonic examples are used now and then. Colloquial language and slang, in which Carnoy has made special studies, are cited continually, since they furnish the best basis for semantic demonstration: the old meaning and the new are normally still both present in the speech, and the comparison may be better appreciated than if the old meaning had to be derived by etymological study.

Americanisms are given much attention, quite naturally, since Professor Carnoy spent nearly five years in this country during and after the war, and made some rich collections (rich in two senses). The reviewer does not feel qualified to criticize the examples drawn from idiomatic uses of other languages, but he wishes to examine chiefly those taken from English, and especially from American English; for he feels that the present work illustrates the extreme difficulty confronting the student of idioms of a language which is not his own. If at any point the reviewer errs, he is at least following his own linguistic feeling for his mother tongue.

On page 266, we read: 'En anglais comme en français, on dit to have it

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