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to Lamano y Beneite, 10 however, denantes and endenantes are found in Salamanca, a region not visited by me, and for La Montaña Duque y Merino11 records enantes. For endenantes Acad. 1512 states: 'De uso vulgar en varias regiones de España,' and in García-Lomas13 we read: 'Arcaísmo muy usado en los pueblos de la región central y suroeste.' The accumulation of Latin prepositions in the formation of these Spanish words indicates that their original meanings and force were frequently lost. In Classic Spanish the adverbs antes, denantes and endenantes did not differ in meaning. For that reason it is quite possible that the modern dialectism alante of our Cuentos may be derived from an old form adelante that had originally a very weak. intervocalic d because it was derived not from ad-de-in-ante but from ad-in-ante. For Italian innanzi we suppose merely in-ante, the first stage in the prepositional accumulation. The Old Spanish enantes (Cid 866) could also represent in-ante, but the modern dialectic enantes probably comes from denantes with apheresis of d, a common phenomenon in the Spanish dialects. It is of course possible to derive alante from a form adelante <ad-de-in-ante, but in view of the apparent anarchy in the accumulation of prepositions not only in Spanish but in all the Romance languages (cf. French avant, Roumanian aînte Italian avanti, Old Spanish avante, etc. <ab-ante, French devant, Italian davanti <de-ab-ante, Roumanian inainte <in-ab-ante, etc.), often with little or no reason for the choice I prefer to derive alante from adelante< ad-in-ante.15

The dialectism alante is also found in the following Spanish regions not visited by me: Salamanca,16 Murcia.17 For Salamanca a form 10 José de Lamano y Beneite, Dialecto vulgar salmantino, Salamanca, 1915,


11 Contando cuentos y asando castañas 124, Madrid, 1897.

12 Diccionario de la lengua española por la Real Academia Española 15th edition, Madrid, 1925.

13 Estudio del dialecto popular montañés, San Sebastián, 1922, s.v. endenantes. Aside from Bogotá (Cuervo) endenantes is found in America also in New Mexico, Studies in New Mexican Spanish I § 191; in Argentina, Tobías Garzon, Diccionario argentino, Barcelona, 1910, s.v., and in Venezuela, Julio Calcaño, El castellano en Venezuela 53, Caracas, 1897.

14 Apuntaciones § 374.

15 The accumulation of Latin prepositions almost reaches absurdity in the Spanish phrase para en adelante, quoted by Cuervo in his Diccionario from Calisto e Melibea: 'No tengo enojo; pero dígotelo para en adelante.' It represents proad-in-ad(-de)-in-ante, six or seven prepositions, two of which occur twice.

16 Lamano y Beneite § 39 and s.v.

17 Alberto Sevilla, Vocabulario murciano, Murcia, 1919, s.v. It is also recorded for La Montaña by Duque y Merino 69, 95.

alantre with parasitic r is also recorded, a form found also in Mexico18 and derived probably from Old Spanish adelantre. In American-Spanish alante must also be a common form, but there are few documentary evidences of it.19

2. aluego

This word represents the temporal adverb luego <Latin loco (Portuguese logo, Old French lues). It is also used in the adverbial phrase aluego que. Although not as common in the Cuentos as alante, the phenomenon is frequent enough. A few examples follow: Granada 51 ('Y aluego pasa por ai un escarabajo.'), 215 ('Y aluego que se fueron aquéllo...); Sevilla 265 ('Y aluego entró la menó. . .'), 299 ('Y aluego que se fué el gigante.. .'), 425; Jaén 80: Cáceres 196; Ciudad Real 201; Córdoba 483.

The source of aluego is a+luego. I have written it in one word because the two words make a single group generally unstressed. Whether the phenomenon is Old Spanish derived from original Latin ad-loco it is difficult to say. The Romance adverbs composed of a preposition, commonly ad or de, a noun, adjective or adverb are quite numerous.20 The one in question is in Roumanian de loc<Latin de-loco. In Spanish we have ad in ahora <ad-hora, aún <ad-huc, anoche <ad-noctem, etc., so that an original ad-loco in Spain would be quite possible, but I do not know of any examples of aluego in Old or Classic Spanish. If the form is modern the prepositive a is probably due to the analogy of the common adverbial phrases that are used as equivalents such as a poco, a poco que, al momento, al momento que, etc., and of the similar phrases al otro día, al día siguiente, etc., all common in old and modern literary and popular Spanish.

This phenomenon seems to be found only in southern Spain, but it is certainly not limited to Andalucía as Cejador believes.21 I have no examples from American-Spanish.

3. ande, onde

Either of these dialectic words may represent the literary Spanish donde or adonde. I cannot go into the syntax of the problem now.

13 Ramos y Duarte, Diccionario de mejicanismos, Mexico, 1898, s.v.


19 Teófilo Marxuach, El lenguaje castellano en Puerto Rico 42, San Juan, 1903. 20 See García de Diego, Elementos de gramática histórica castellana 295-8, Burgos, 1914. In the Spanish of the XIII-XVI centuries the most common adverbs for the modern literary luego que were de que, desque.

21 Julio Cejador y Frauca, Tesoro de la lengua castellan 9. 112 (Madrid, 1912).

general, however, I might state that in the Cuentos there is no clear line between the two forms ande and onde in usage. Donde and adonde are also frequently used even in texts that abound in dialect forms. As a general rule it might be stated that ande stands more frequently for adonde but is also used for donde, while onde usually represents donde but is also frequently used for adonde. As a matter of fact in Old and Classic Spanish the line between donde and adonde was not well defined22 and the clear distinction between donde expressing rest and adonde expressing motion is quite modern.

Ande seems to be found in all parts of Spain judging from the numerous examples in the Cuentos. I give only a few: Santander 63 (‘¿Ande anda tu madre?'); Burgos 225 ('Y del pozo ande estaba enterrado. . .'), 404, 414, 510; Soria 101, 249, 250; León 420; Palencia 253; Zaragoza 156, 322; Toledo 44, 45, 71, 91; Cuenca 204; Ciudad Real 199, 259; Córdoba 42, 43, 472; Sevilla 422, 476; Granada 46, 48, 113, 145, 212, 244.

There are examples from Santander, Burgos, Palencia, Soria, Toledo, Cuenca, Zaragoza, Granada, Sevilla, Córdoba and León, from all parts of Old and New Castile, from La Mancha, Estremadura and Andalucía. It is also a form found in Salamanca (Lamano y Beneite, s.v.) and Murcia (Alberto Sevilla, s.v.). It is therefore fundamentally and originally an old and modern Castilian phenomenon and not only Andalusian and American-Spanish as Menéndez Pidal seems to believe.23 It is certainly not from Toledo in origin as Mugica states.24 The form ande is also found in American-Spanish, for example in Argentina,25 Puerto Rico,26 and New Mexico.27

The form onde is not as common as ande but it is also found in the

Cuentos from all parts of Spain: Santander 343 ('. . y les dió de beber en la misma jarra onde estaba el dinero.'), 367, 372; Burgos 224 ('Y onde quiera que vía balcones. . . .'), 497; Valladolid 403, 436; Soria 57; Segovia 302; Avila 87; Astorga 393, 395; Zamora 181; Zaragoza 156; Cáceres 210; Cuenca 111, 142, 187, 205; Granada 46, 53, 81, 215, 240; Córdoba 469; Sevilla 298, 317.

Onde = donde, adonde is also found today in Salamanca (Lamano

22 Cuervo, Diccionario.

23 Gramática histórica española 70 note 1, Madrid, 1925.

24 ZRPh 30. 351.

25 Martin Fierro 375, (ed. Tiscornia, Buenos Aires, 1925).

26 Teófilo Marxuach 61.

27 Studies in New Mexican Spanish II § 85.

y Beneite,), is also recorded for La Montaña by García-Lomas (I have given examples from Santander) and is a well known phenomenon in American-Spanish.28


The question of the origin of the modern dialectic forms ande and onde is quite complicated. In Old and Classic Spanish there are a variety of forms meaning 'where,' 'whence,' 'whither': obe, o <ŭbi; do<de-ubi; onde <unde; donde, dond, donde unde; adonde, adond, adón <ad-de-unde. In Old Spanish all these forms were used and with little or no distinction in meanings. At first practically all the forms could mean 'where,' 'whence' or 'whither' and could be used with any preposition that expressed rest or motion. That gave rise to many reduplications of prepositions especially to express the idea of separation or the of or from case.2 Latin unde came to mean in Vulgar Latin 'where,' 'wherefore,' 'therefore.'30 In Old Spanish onde derived from it has all these meanings. Cuervo in his Diccionario has given us numerous examples. In the Crónica General, for example, onde is frequent with the meanings donde, de donde, adonde and also por lo cual. In the XIIIth century, however, the most frequent meaning of onde seems to be de donde. The idea of separation was soon forgotten and a new form, donde, was made, but we cannot say whether this new form is as old as onde or a later formation.31 In Classic Spanish onde was still commonly used with the old meanings, although the meanings 'wherefore' and 'therefore' appear to be more general.*2

The modern dialectic onde, therefore, is probably an archaism, the regular Old Spanish onde <Latin unde. As a matter of fact, however, it could also be explained phonetically as a development of the form donde with apheresis of initial d, a common Spanish phenomenon. Ande may also be explained as an archaism, although we have no examples of it in literature, derived from a+onde <ad-unde, or it may represent a-donde <ad-de-unde. In either case, assuming that intervocalic d

28 In New Mexico (Studies in New Mexican Spanish I § 32 and II § 83); in Mexico (Marden, The Phonology of the Spanish Dialect of Mexico City 15, Baltimore 1896); in Columbia (Cuervo, Apuntaciones 752); in Chile (Ramón A. Laval, Folklore de Carahue 70, 88, Madrid, 1916); in Puerto Rico (Marxuach 87).

29 Cuervo, Diccionario, s.v. donde.

30 Grandgent, Vulgar Latin §§ 73, 84.

31 Dond, don are the only forms found in the Cid. In other early monuments, however, ond and onde are found. In the Reyes Magos (XIIth century) we find dond de donde.

32 Acad. 15, s.v. onde merely states that it is an archaism equivalent to por lo cual, por cuya razón, en donde, de donde.

falls in adonde, we have first a shift of accent to the more sonorous vowel and then do>a by regressive assimilation as in the case of áo>a in 'aunque>(aonque)> anque discussed later, and ae>a in adelante> aelante >alante.

It is interesting to note that in the Cuentos the new formations de ande, por ande, de onde, are also commonly used. When the preposition has once been joined to another word its primary meaning is easily lost and a new preposition is required to express the necessary meaning. The case of de ande is especially noteworthy.33

4. an guar de, an eguar de

Each case of these interesting linguistic phenomena occurs only once in the Cuentos. Both cases are from Córdoba: 165 ('Y otro día por la mañana fué a vel la vela y en la mesa vido que an guar de la vela staba una piesna de un muerto.'); 346 ('Y cuando ya la agüela se había ido va la chica y saca mantequilla der pucherete y se unta debajo e lo sobaco y an eguar de decí, Sin Dios ni Santa María, de villa en villa, dijo:-Con Dios y Santa María de viga en viga').

The source is evidently en lugar de en vez de, both phrases being quite common in literary and popular Spanish since early times.34 Of the above two forms from Córdoba an guar de is the older form. A still older form is en guar de which I find in the Corvacho of Alfonso Martínez de Toledo (XVth century prose):35 'Ay sin ventura de mí. non ove yo ventura como mi vezina, que en guar de medrar desmedro; en guar de fazerme paños nueuos empeñasteme estos captiuos que en la boda me distes, . .' (121-2); 'E por aquí se pierden ynfinidos e muchos que en guar de conoscer senorío e otorgar mejoría. .' (140). For the XVth century I have also a case of guar de from the Cancionero de Montoro (a native of Córdoba) that Dr. Karl Pietsch has called to my attention, but in view of the fact that the previous verse ends in

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33 Astorga 328: 'Y ya el hijo del rey no pudo resistir más y salió de ande estaba escondido y le declaró su amor.' Burgos 413: 'Y a otro día cogió Juan y llevó las cabras a pacer a un prao que estaba cerca de la huerta de ande vivían unos frailes.'

34 One of the oldest examples in my notes is the following from the Documentos linguísticos de España of Menéndez Pidal, Madrid, 1919, p. 76 (a Castilian document of the year 1225): ‘. . . e si otra bestia ouiere hi qe uala mas qe el cauallo, qe la tomedes en logar del cauallo; . . .'

35 Madrid, 1901.

36 Cancionero de Antón de Montoro, ed. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori 175-6, Madrid, 1900.

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