Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

The connection of the second half of the word, with OCS daviti 'choke', Lith. dõvyti 'torment', Phryg. daos 'wolf', will have to be abandoned because the division of the compound must be Kand-valves.

It is clearly a compound in which the first member is governed by the second, of the type represented by Sanskrit dhanam-jaya-. In that type,14 the use of a case form for the first member was original. The use of a stem-form is ascribed to the analogy of the determinative compounds15 and is dated back to the time of the parent language itself. It is not surprising to find the earlier type persisting in Lydian, and I should regard kand as an accusative neuter, with the well recognized -d ending of Lydian.

The word kan I would still equate with IE kwon-, and the fact that the Lydian word does not begin with a sibilant is no longer a difficulty. Indo-European shows no trace of a form without the w-sound,16 and Solmsen must therefore assume a special law to account for its disappearance in Lydian. Starting from Kand-valves, it is easily explained in this compound as due to dissimilation. It has been suggested by others that the word is connected with Kvéw and meant originally 'young animal', 'cub', 'whelp'; if so, that it should be neuter is not surprising. The change of gender will have come in Indo-European with the specialized meaning 'dog'. What the word meant in Lydian must be uncertain: 'whelp', 'beast', 'monster', or 'lion', are all possible. If it became definitely 'lion', the semantic development would parallel that of catulus and caniculus discussed elsewhere in this issue.

Finally valves would contain an element corresponding in form to IE welu- seen in volvo, eixów, etc. The meanings seem to diverge greatly, but the idea of a rolling or twisting motion may underlie both the Lydian and the Indo-European senses of the words. Or the word may mean nothing more definite than 'killer', in which case Goth. walwjan should be compared.

To sum up, if we had the plainly written name of a Lydian king Kandvalves, we would unhesitatingly identify it with Kandaules, and we could etymologize it on somewhat the same lines as I have proposed. Kandaules is the name that we have most reason to expect to find on such coins as those discussed. The connecting link however, the assumption of rebus writing, seems to me weak. Parallels for it may be found, or a better interpretation of valves. Can the latter be a short. name equivalent to Alyattes?

14 Cf. Brugmann 2.1.94.

15 Ib. 101-2.

16 On canis, cf. Kent, LANGUAGE 2.186–7 (1926).

BOOK REVIEWS

Homenaje ofrecido a Menéndez Pidal; Miscelánea de estudios lingüísticos, literarios e históricos. Three volumes. Pp. 848, 718, and 696. Madrid, 1925.

On the completion of twenty-five years of service as professor at the Universidad Central, Madrid, the colleagues, friends and pupils of Don Ramón Menéndez Pidal have presented him this monument of linguistic, literary and historical studies. It is not possible to give here even a cursory account of each one of the valuable materials contained in the three volumes. All the great masters of Romance philology from Schuchardt, Morel-Fatio and Meyer-Lübke to the most humble pupil of Menéndez Pidal have contributed to this document of labor and love. In the first volume there is first of all an excellent photoprint of Menéndez Pidal, and then the homenaje begins with a German poem by the venerable scholar Hugo Schuchardt, where he states with deep feeling that although his physical faculties do not permit his contributing a philological article, at the same time his heart and mind still allow him to admire Spain, the Cid and Don Ramón and to send his most cordial greetings in German verse. One hundred and thirty-five scholars, representing twenty different nations, have contributed to the three volumes. A few of the outstanding contributors are: Schuchardt, Morel-Fatio, Meyer-Lübke, Wechssler, Pietsch, Schevill, Bonilla, Ribera, Rennert, Hills, Salverda de Grave, García Solalinde, Krüger, Pio Rajna, Tallgren, Navarro Tomás, Américo Castro, Rubió Lluch, Staff, Saroïhandy, Morley, Sarrailh, Millardet, Gauchat, Alonso, and Roques. The two outstanding contributions to the three volumes are, in the opinion of the reviewer, the work of Tallgren on the Arabic names for the stars, with their transcription in the time of Alfonso the learned, and the article by Navarro Tomás on Basque phonetics.

No greater honor could be conferred on don Ramón, now recognized as the greatest living Romance philologist, than this human document, a veritable encyclopedia of modern research into linguistic, literary and historical problems.

AURELIO M. ESPINOSA.

1 A brief account of the contents of each of the three volumes is given in HISPANIA 9, 191-3 (1926).

Das ausländische Sprachgut im Spanischen des Río de la Plata. Mitteilungen und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der romanischen Philologie veröffentlicht vom Seminar für romanische Sprachen und Kultur (Hamburg), Band VIII. By Rudolph Grossman. Pp. VI, 224, Hamburg, 1926.

Dr. Grossman has done a distinct service to Romance scholarship by bringing together in convenient form the conclusions of authoritative Hispanists with respect to the much discussed theory of a so-called "idioma nacional argentino." His book, however, is much more than a welcome scientific résumé of this important problem. It is a most important contribution to American-Spanish dialectology, a study of the foreign elements in the Spanish language of Argentina.

Besides an appendix with dialectic texts and a valuable index the book contains the following six chapters that treat as many important linguistic problems:

I. Bedingungen für die Entwicklung spanisch-amerikanischer
Sondersprachen.

1 The separatist movement in politics in the beginning of the XIXth century created in the imagination of over-zealous patriots the idea of a national Argentine language, separate, and different if possible, from Spanish. The movement was first sponsored by the statesman and educator Sarmiento and the well-known writer Gutiérrez. Dr. Grossman, pp. 19–22 gives a brief history of the movement. More details are to be found in Ernesto Quesada, La evolución del idioma nacional, Buenos Aires, 1922. The death-blow was given to the movement by the ridiculous book of Lucien Abeille, Idioma nacional de los argentinos, Paris, 1900, where the attempt is made to raise to the standard of a national language the so-called "vulgarismos" of Argentina, which are for the most part found in all countries where Spanish is spoken. Prominent Argentine men of letters, statesmen, and philologists have definitely abandoned the futile idea of a national Argentine language, and a strong movement is now under way directed to the purification and embellishment of the language, which is after all Castilian Spanish, thanks to foresight of such men as Ricardo Rojas, author of the epoch-making work, Historia de la literatura Argentina (the language problem is treated in 1.77-163) and many others, and Ernesto Quesada, the internationally known Argentine sociologist and philosopher. One wonders how much charity has been exercised by Dr. Grossman when he merely calls the work of Abeille "pseudowissenschaftliche Arbeit" and by Morel-Fatio when he states in Romania 29. 486: “L'auteur aurait mieux fait de s'en tenir uniquement au langage parlé, dont le développement phonétique est d'ailleurs très sensiblement le même que celui de l'espagnol de la métropole; toutes les alteraciones fonéticas argentinas se retrouvent par example dans l'espagnol du centre et du midi de l'Espagne." For some time, however, the over-zealous patriot will continue to defy the philologist. See, for example

II. Der intellektuelle ausländische Sprachimport und der "Neo

logismo."

III. Der materielle ausländische Sprachimport und der "Extran

jerismo."

IV. Der individuelle ausländische Sprachimport und die Mischsprachen.

V. Die linguistischen Erscheinungsformen des ausländischen Sprachgut.

VI. Schlussbetrachtungen:

Die psychologische Einstellung des Argentiners gegenüber dem ausländischen Sprachgut.

Die Kulturströmungen des Amerikanismus und des Criollismus. In Chapter I the author takes up the problem of the origins of the Spanish language of America in general. It is in origin Castilian and the languages spoken today in all Spanish-American countries have not only followed a parallel development but this has been on the whole parallel to that of Spain. On pages 2-5 he calls attention to the necessity of comparative studies in Spanish linguistics. Anyone who will take the trouble to examine the dialectic dictionaries of Spanish America as well other linguistic studies will not fail to observe that the so-called dialectic pecularities of each region are as a matter of fact common almost in their entirety to all parts of the Spanish-speaking world, including, of course, Spain itself. These facts speak eloquently for the uniformity of the Spanish language of the XVIth century when it came to Spanish America and for the uniformity of Spanish phonetic processes. The problem of the uniformity of phonetic developments throughout Spanish America cannot be definitely undertaken as yet because we have not enough materials, but in the field of lexicography there are abundant materials already available. Dr. Grossman seems to take seriously the division often made of the Spanish American speech regions into two large, general groups, a so-called Andalusian group (East-Mexico, Antilles, La Plata), and a so-called Castilian group (Peru, Bolivia, North

the reply of the Brazilian João Ribeiro to Américo Castro's logical objections to the so-called "dialacto argentino" in Revista de filología portuguesa, 2. 259-61 (1925).

? A cursory glance at the notes at the bottom of each page of my Studies in New Mexican Spanish is enough to convince any one of the uniformity of Spanish phonetic developments in Spain and Spanish America. And most of the phonetic processes in question are found in the popular and even in the learned Spanish literature of the XVIth and XVIIth centuries.

3

Argentina, West-Mexico, Paraguay). Sufficient evidence has never been brought forth to support this view despite the assertions of Lenz (ZRPh 17. 194) and Wagner (ZRPh 40. 296). In my mind it is very doubtful whether the important traits of Andalusian Spanish were well developed by the time of the colonization of Spanish America in the XVIth century. The fact remains that Extremadura and Andalusia had just been castilianized in the XIVth and XVth centuries. We miss in chapter I a discussion of the theory of Rojas (Historia de la literatura argentina, 1. 146–63), that the language of the conquistadores and colonizers of the new world was that of the uneducated classes of Spain and that there was a wide gap between this speech and the Spanish of Santa Teresa and Lope de Vega. Dr. Grossman might at least have called attention to the fact, that there is a greater gap between the Spanish written and spoken by Dr. Rojas and the language of the uneducated Spaniards of Madrid and Argentinians of Buenos Aires than there ever was between the language of Santa Teresa, Cervantes and Lope de Vega and the most ignorant of the conquistadores and first colonizers.1

3 Henríquez Ureña in Revista de) Filología) E(spañola) 8.359-61 (1921) and in his article 'El supuesto andalucismo de América,' Revista de Filología (1925) combats the Andalusian theory. I have personally found no marked Andalusianism in the Spanish of America and after an extensive trip through all the provinces of northern, central, and southern Spain I can not see in the Spanish of America any closer relation to Andalusian than to Castilian. It seems to me that in vocabulary the Spanish of America is as much Castilian as Andalusian. As for phonetic changes my own observations lead me to believe that the outstanding modern characteristics of Andalusian popular speech are not at all dominant in American Spanish. Argentina may be an exception on account of the large number of recent Spanish immigrants.

The parallel that Rojas attempts to make between Classic Latin and Vulgar Latin on the one hand and the Spanish of the best writers of the Spanish Siglo de Oro and the conquistadores and colonizers of Spanish America on the other hand does not hold. When Vulgar Latin was completely transformed into the Romance Languages between the Vth and Xth centuries, Latin as a spoken language had actually undergone a complete phonetic transformation into various languages or dialects. There was no uniformity of development in phonology and morphology among the various provinces of the old empire. In Spain, on the other hand, Castilian gradually rose to the dominant place among the Romance languages and dialects of the peninsula between the XIIth and XVth centuries and it was the accepted, fully developed Castilian speech of the newly united Spain that the Spaniards brought to the new world. Instead of a language that was changing and in a chaotic state of culture as was Vulgar Latin in the Vth to the Xth centuries, the Castilian Spanish of the end of the XVth century was the perfected, uniform language of a new and powerful nation that had already

« ZurückWeiter »