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dwell; be' we have the singular forms esmi, ešzi, ešun, ešta, eš, ešdu, as well as the plural forms ešten and ešir; but the analogical proportion, erir: aranzi ešir: x, yielded ašanzi 'they are,' and similarly we get ašandu 'let them be', and ašanza 'being'. Just so epmi 'I take' (:Lat. adipiscor, coēpi, etc.) always shows the stem-vowel e, except in appanzi 'they take', appandu 'let them take', appanza 'taking', and the verbal noun appatar 'taking, dwelling'. All the forms of ed- 'eat' have radical e, except adanzi 'they eat', adandu let them eat', adanna 'to eat' (infin.), adanzi 'to eat' (supine), and the iterative stem azk- (e.g. azzi-ik-kán-zi 'they eat').

That these forms with secondary a are analogical and not due to a phonetic development (say, anticipation of the a of the following syllable), is shown by the fairly numerous third pl. presents which retain radical e; e.g. eššanzi 'they use, treat', šešanzi 'they sleep', memanzi 'they say', wekanzi 'they ask, demand'.

Since two, at least, of the verbs which changed e to a in the third pl. present (eš- and ed-) must have had short radical vowels, it seems necessary to conclude that the inducing forms (šekkir, egir, erir) also had short vowels in the radical syllable. This is an additional reason for thinking that Hittite had lost the original distinction between long and short vowels. The frequent double writing of a vowel (e-eš-zi, a-ar-áš, ar-ha-a-ri) should therefore not be interpreted as evidence of long quantity.

The variation between e and a in the consonantal verbs is therefore to be traced to the same source as the variation between o and ē in IE perfect. We have found three verbs which show traces of the peculiar formation both in Hittite and in the IE languages. Very likely others will be discovered. Many Hittite verbs, however, owe to analogy an a in the radical syllable of the third plural present and imperative, the participle, and certain other forms.

Scarcely less important than our main conclusion is the demonstration than the Hittite hi-conjugation is of composite origin. While some of its salient features are of the same origin as the IE perfect, it usually carries the meaning of the IE present (or aorist), and some of its forms (i.e. third plural present and imperative, and the participle) come from the original inflection of the present. It will not be surprising if traces of aorist inflection are found in the hi-conjugation.





Initial h before l, n, r disappeared in ONorw. at a preliterary date but was regularly retained in OIcel. (cf. Noreen §289). In OIcel. this initial h- was often lost, or an initial h- was often added to l, n, r, through association between words having initial hl, hn, hr and words having initial l, n, r. This associative process was due to resemblance in meaning or in form aside from the initial consonants in question. After the loss or the accretion of initial h- had become established between certain words or word groups there developed a general feeling of uncertainty as to whether a word should begin with hl or l, hn or n, hr or r. Most cases of this type of general confusion are naturally found in the Late OIcel. period, yet several instances may be cited in the classical period; which shows that the process was even then well under way. For the classical period I may mention the following examples: Hniflungr (Elder Edda) for Niflungr, rār 'damp' (Elder Edda) for hrār, hrjā for rjā2 'wrestle'; for the Late OIcel. period hnezla (for nezla) 'button loop', hniđra (for niđra) 'to lower', ređr (for hreďr) 'genitals', hreifr (for reifr) ‘glad', hrifsa (for rifsa) 'to rob', ringja (for hringja) 'a round pail'.

The purpose of the following analysis is to determine the word (or word group) with which a given form may have been associated with the resultant loss or accretion of initial h-. Such words will be called

1 Works to which reference is made throughout this paper are: Cleasby-Vigfússon, An Icelandic-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1874. Falk and Torp, Norwegisches-Dänisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1910. Fick, August, Vergleichendes Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Indogermanischen Sprachen“, Göttingen, 1909. Fritzner, Johan, Ordbog over det gamle norske sprog, Kristiania, 1886. Larsson, Ludvig, Ordförrådet i de älsta islänska handskrifterna, Lund, 1891. Noreen, Adolf, Altisländische Grammatik, Halle, 1923.

It is not certain which of these two forms is primary but the greater frequency of the form rjā (without initial h-) favors this form as primary.

associative words. Derivatives of a given form will not be quoted (unless necessary), since the form in question will represent the whole word group.

Only forms belonging to the saga period or to an earlier date will be taken into consideration. For determining whether an initial h- is original or a later analogical accretion the etymology of the word is the first criterion, but if the etymology of the word is uncertain then the only criterion is the frequency of the initial h- especially in the oldest texts (Elder Edda, Larsson); the greater this frequency in the oldest texts the more likely it is that the h- is original, and vice versa. But even here we must be cautious. For example, it is almost an assured fact3 that Hāvamāl I is of West Norwegian origin, which may account, e.g., for the loss of initial h- in the form rās (for hrās), Hāv. 152, 2: ā rītum rās viþar. According to the nature of the case the associations pointed out in my analysis cannot be proved; association is a tendency, and whether this tendency seems plausible or not the merits of each case must decide.

I. (h)l

1) (h)lykkr 'bend, curve'. The h- is here spurious. The form lykkr <*luk-ja-R belongs to the group lūka, lauk : luk-um, lok-inn ‘to close'. For the associative word I suggest h-lekkr (cf. OE hlence > Eng. link) 'link, chain'.

II. (h)n

1) (h)neis-a 'shame, disgrace'. Etymology doubtful, but neis- may be from *nais- < *naiss- < *nait-p- with p-extension (as in *hvat-þ- > *hvass-> ON hvass, Goth. h-ass-(aba), cf. ON hvatr) and therefore connected with Goth. ga-naitjan ‘årμav', nait-eins 'Bλaoyŋuía', OE næ tan, OHG neizzen 'plagen, quälen'.

No evidence as to the original form of the word is offered by the older texts. The word is not recorded by Larsson and occurs only once in the Elder Edda and here in the Hav. 49. 4: neiss es nøkkvipr halr. The latter evidence, however, is not conclusive, since the Hav. I is undoubtedly of ONorw. origin.

Assuming the original form of our word group to be neis-, I suggest as the associative group h-neyk- 'disgrace'; cf. h-neyk-ja 'to put to shame', h-neyk-sla 'to offend', h-neyk-slan 'offence', h-neyk-sl(i) ‘disgrace', etc.

Cf. George T. Flom, 'A Group of Words from Hávamál I in the Light of Modern Norwegian and Icelandic Dialects', Scan. Studies and Notes 1. 251-73.


2) (h)nýsa 'scrutinize, examine'. The h- is here spurious; cf. njōsn 'spying, scouting' and Goth. bi-niuhsjan, OE neos(i)an, OS niusian:niusōn, OHG niusen 'to investigate, trace, try'.

Associative verb is h-njōsa 'to sniff, scent, sneeze' (cf. Falk-Torp 1. 776); semantic point of contact 'to scent, get onto the trail (like a dog)'. Indeed, this latter sense may possibly represent the basic idea of Germanic *neuhs-> ON nýsa:njōsn (cf. Fick 299).

III. (h)r

1) (h)rasa 'to rush headlong, stumble, stagger'. The h- is here spurious; cf. OE ræ san 'to rush', OE ræ's ON rās 'race, rushing'.

Associative verbs are h-rapa 'to tumble down' and h-rata 'to totter, stagger'. The latter verb (see below) also appeared without initial h(rata), which fact intensified the association with rasa; cf. rasa:rata and h-rasa:h-rata.

2) (h)rata 'to totter, fall'. The h- is here most probably organic; cf. Grk. κpadáw 'shake, swing', Skr. kurdati 'springt, hüpft' (see FalkTorp 2. 869, s.v. radd).

Associative verb is rata (earlier vrata < Goth. wratōn) 'to wander, journey'. The identity of form (aside from the initial h-) and the similarity in meaning between hrata and rata brought about an early association between the two verbs, as is shown by the fact that the verb hrata appears in the Elder Edda with and without initial h-; cf. hrata Vsp. 52.3 and ratar Grp. 36.2.

3) (h)rifa 'to grasp, clutch; pull, pluck; scratch, pick'. The h- here is organic; cf. OE ge-hrifnian 'to grasp, tear', IE root *(s)k(e)ribh, cf. Lat. scribō 'to scratch, write' (see Falk-Torp 2. 906 s.v. rive 'harke, rechen').

In the sense of 'to grasp, clutch' the verb hrifa always appears with initial h-. Only in the derived senses of 'to pull, pluck, scratch, pick', etc., does the form rifa without initial h- occur and then too, less frequently than does the form hrifa with initial h-.

The associative verb with (h)rīfa in these derived senses is rifa 'to tear (apart)' (cf. OFris. rīva 'to tear', MLG rīven 'to rub', etc.; see FalkTorp 2. 906, s.v. rive 'reissen').

4) (h)rjōta 'rebound, fall; growl, roar, snore'. The h- here is organic. Evidently we have to do here with two verbs identical in form, hrjōta 'to fall, plunge', etc., connected with OE hreosan 'to fall, plunge', MHG rūzen 'to move hurriedly (cf. Falk-Torp 2. 924, s.v. rutte; Fick 107 s.v. hrut 2) and hrjóta 'to growl, roar, snore', etc., connected with OE hrūtan,

OFris. hrūta, OHG rūzan 'to roar, growl', etc. (cf. Falk-Torp 2. 1033, s.v. skryde; Fick 107, s.v. hrut 1).

Only hrjōta 2 appears without initial h- (rjōta). As the associative verb I suggest a lost verb *rjōta 'to utter loud tones of distress' = OE reotan, OHG riozan < *reutan; cf. ON rīta (< *reut-jan) 'to squeal', rauta 'to roar'. Either *rjōta was blended with hrjōta, resulting in historical rjōta alongside hrjōta with a slight semantic change (cf. Goth. wōpjan ‘Coāv': OE wēpan 'to lament'), or we may discard an original *rjōta and postulate rīta: rauta as the associative group.

5) (h)rydja 'to clear out'. The h- is here spurious; PG *rud-jan > ON ryd-ja = OE ā-ryddan 'to rob, plunder'; *reud-an> MHG rieten 'to clear out, destroy'; *reud-jan > OHG, MHG riuten > NHG reuten 'to clear out'.


Associative verb is h-rjōda 'to clear out, strip, unload (a vessel); belch, vomit'; semantic point of contact probably 'to clean' (cf. Fick 108, s.v. hrud 2). Germanic *hreuđan meant 'to load, adorn'; cf. the adjectival past participle ON hrodinn 'painted, stained' OE gehroden 'loaded, adorned', cf. also this root in extended form OE hyrst 'adornment,' hyrstan 'to adorn' = OHG hrust:hrusten (NHG rüsten). From the idea of 'adorn' was developed the sense of 'to clean (out)', whence contact between ON hrjōda and rydja 'to clean out'; cf. OE ge-hroden and h-ryding 'cleared land' = ON h-ryd-n-ing 'a clearing out of the court (dōmr, kviđr), challenge (to the neighbors)'.


Probably ON (h)rođa 'to throw together' also belongs to the (h)ryđja group (*rud-ōn > ON rođa3 OFris. tō-rotha, MLG roden, MHG roten 'to clear out'), which accounts for the initial h-; cf. hrođa with hruđning, a by-form of hrydning.

♦ ON rjōða is not derived from *reuð-an as Falk-Torp (2. 925, s.v. rydde) and Fick (351, s.v. rud 2) maintain.

In the first place, ON rjōða never occurs in the meaning 'reuten, räumen' which these scholars attribute to it. It is not recorded in any of our ON dictionaries in this sense but only in the sense of 'to redden (with blood)' and therefore should be connected with the stem *rauð- 'red'; cf. ON rjöðr, rauðr ‘ruddy, red.'

In the second place, ON rjōða never appears with initial h-, which would most likely have been the case if it had belonged to the (h)ryðja group.

Again, the fact that the verb hrjōða never appears without initial h- indicates that between these two verbs, rjóða and hrjóða, there was no semantic contact, i.e. that rjōða never meant 'to clear out'; but compare (h)ryðja 'to clear out' :hrjōða.

'The ON verb (h)roða is not recorded under the head of *ruð-ōn either by Falk-Torp (2.925, s.v. rydde) or by Fick (352, s.v. ruda).

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