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poraneous with the Cippus Abellanus) as on the first (Conway 95). The Nolan officials evidently had charge of certain sums of money; the money in the inscription Conway 94 is further described as having been raised by means of fines, how or why levied is not stated. This inscription is with great probability thought to have belonged to an altar, which will thus be comparable with the Pompeian sundial (Conway 43); the other Nolan inscription, if not actually cut on an altar, was at any rate dug up from under the ruins of an ancient temple.

Now there is excellent evidence that the custom of offering tithes to Hercules was both widespread and ancient in Italy. The tradition was that Hercules himself had offered the tenth part of his cattle (Plut. QR 18; Dion. Hal. 1.40; Festus 270 L.; [Aurel. Vict.] origo gen. Rom. 6) and this tradition no doubt implies that the custom was very old. As much may be gathered not only from the more explicit statements of Paulus (ex. Fest. 63 L.) decima quaeque ueteres dis suis offerebant, of Varro (ap. Macrob. Sat. 3.12.2) maiores solitos decimam Herculi uouere, cf. LL 6.54, and from the frequent allusions in comedy (Naev. frg. 27-9 Ribbeck; Plaut. Bacch. 666, Stich. 233, 386, Truc. 561, Most. 984), but also from inscriptional evidence of Republican date, some of it from quite early documents. Especially to be noted are the words moribus antiqueis in the Titulus Mummianus from Reate (CIL I2 632, end of second century B.C.), recording the dedication of a tithe, accompanied by a separate gift, after the triumph of Mummius in 145 B.C. Latin inscriptions of the last century B.C. attest the existence of the practice in other parts of Italy during the close of the Republic, and perhaps earlier, as at Sora (CIL I2 1531), Tibur (ib. 1482), Aquila (ib. 1805), Carsioli (CIL IX 4071 a), Capua (CIL X 3956 'saeculi Augusti'), and possibly Tarentum (CIL 12, 1698, where d.f. is usually regarded as abbreviated for decuma facta). For the dialect-speaking peoples we have not only the three inscriptions already discussed but also the Tabula Agnonensis (Conway 175) which gives a list of deities who had a statue or altar or both erected to them in the 'grove of Ceres', amongst them a statue and altar in honor of Hercules 'Cerialis' (hereklúí kerrüúí), and the whole grove is described in the words húrz dekmanniúís staít. Here the word dekmanniúís must refer to the custom of offering tithes, whether it be taken as locative plural 'on the festival of the tithes' or as dative plural 'to the deities of the (sacred) tithes'. This was pointed out by Conway (Glossary, s.v.), but has not previously been noted in the present connection. In degetasis (-iús) therefore, quasi Latin *decentarius, the spelling with -g- is best regarded as due to contamina

tion either with uiginti (or a corresponding Oscan form), as Buck suggested, or with digitus (cf. Gr. ò πеμτášшv), as Conway proposed. For in view of the evidence already quoted, we need hardly hesitate to connect deketasiúí with Latin decem (*dekentó-, cf. Umb. sestentasiaru), and the practice of offering tithes to Hercules both at Rome, as testified by the numerous references in the literature, though not by inscriptions (unless, as Mommsen conjectured, CIL VI 277 refers to the offering of a decuma), and also at several other towns in Italy (see above), with the appearance of the official described by this title on the inscriptions of Nola and Abella, one of which relates specifically to a temple of Hercules, and the other two, one on an altar, the second from a temple, are connected with some cult, though no deity is mentioned by name. Why fines were levied at Nola in such a connection we can only conjecture; but it may be that they were imposed for the non-payment of tithes. It is significant too that, like the treasury of the temple of Hercules belonging jointly to Nola and Abella, there was a wealthy treasury attached to the temple of Hercules at Tibur, enriched by successive dedications of decumae (CIL XIV 3679-thensaurus Herculis, cf. CIL I1 1482) from which Augustus borrowed money in 42 B.C. (Appian BC 5.24).

There are several instances of triumphing generals of the last century of the Republic who offered decumae to Hercules and at the same time feasted the people handsomely (Plut. Aem. Paul. 17, cf. 19; id. Praec. Ger. Rei P. 20.4; Luc. 37; Sulla 35.1; Crassus 2, cf. 12; Appian BC 2.76), and it is now generally agreed that Mommsen was wrong when he attempted to explain this as merely an old military custom revived by Mummius (CIL I1 pp. 149 ff.), on which view the tithe was simply a tithe of the booty gained in war and dedicated officially by the victorious general on behalf of the state. The story told in the Saturnalia of Macrobius (3.6.11) of the flutist turned trader dedicating one tenth of his gains to Hercules illustrates quite another aspect in which these offerings were made to the same god. It seems clear in short that there should be distinguished four different classes of decumae dedicated to Hercules (1) the early one, which was afterwards entirely forgotten, no doubt tithes of agricultural produce, first-fruits in fact; two later ones, offered respectively (2) by traders and (3) by successful generals; and (4) a general practice of dedicating tithes by anyone relieved from any difficult situation (e.g. CIL I2 1531). Oscan kerríiúí applied to Hercules in the Tabula Agnonensis probably refers to every kind of fertility, which must include the productiveness of the land and of live-stock.

It was almost certainly this wider notion that was foremost in the minds of those who wrote that inscription and made the dedications which it commemorates, as is abundantly clear from a perusal of the inscription as a whole, and we may assume that the joint temple shared by the Nolans and Abellans was similarly frequented more by farmers and small traders than by triumphing generals. The tithes offered there would belong mainly to the classes (1), (2) and (4) enumerated above, and the official appointed (by the Nolans) to receive them and (perhaps) to administer the proceeds was naturally called deketasiúí.




The relationship of Hittite and Indo-European has been recognized chiefly on the basis of certain correspondences in inflectional terminations, suffixes, and pronouns. Indo-European etymologies have, to be sure, been suggested for a considerable number of Hittite words, but a large proportion of these etymologies are clearly unsound and even those which are most plausible have never been worked into the sort of consistent system which could bring conviction to those who understand sound etymological method.

Nevertheless our knowledge of the Hittite vocabulary has reached a point where it ought to be possible to discover Indo-European etymologies even if they are obscured by phonetic change. In this paper I hope to connect several words with their Indo-European etymons, and to establish at least one phonetic law.

The Hittite verb which appears sometimes with the stem huwa- and sometimes with the stem hui- shows a rather bewildering range of meaning. The first to be established was the meaning 'flee', as in the phrase in the law code,3 tak-ku IR-iš hu-u-wa-i ‘if a slave runs away'. The causative huinu- seems to carry the same force in the annals of the first ten years of the reign of Mursilis II Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi 3. 4. 2. 69 Hrozný, Boghazköi-Studien 3. 194. The text is incomplete at this point, but it seems fairly clear that when Dapalazunawalis fled (kattan huwais) from Puranda he 'caused his [infantry] and cavalry to flee before him' (piran huinut).



1 The precise phonetic value of such forms as hu-u-i-ya-mi, hu-u-i-er, etc. must for the present be left undetermined, and so must their relationship to forms from the stem in a (hu-u-wa-a-iš, etc.; cf. Friedrich, Staatsverträge des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache 311, 914). The Hittite vowel system will probably cause more dffiiculty than the consonants; we do not know, for example, whether Hittite separated from the parent stock before or after the changes which gave rise to Ablaut. In this paper I shall avoid discussing vocalism.

* See Hrozný, Die Sprache der Hethiter 30, Code Hittite 18.

In this paper Sumerian ideograms are printed in capitals, and all Assyrian words or syllables in Italic capitals.

While the phrase piran huwa- (without causative suffix) is very common, it seems never to mean 'flee before', but always 'march before'. It is used, for example, of a marshal conducting high officials to their positions during a religious ceremony. Friedrich, Aus dem Hethitischen Schrifttum 2. 5. 36, 8. 20, 25, etc., translates the phrase 'voranlaufen', no doubt because he regards 'run' as the primary meaning of the verb; but 'march' would evidently fit the context better. That is the meaning required also in the military use of the word, as in the fuller annals of Mursilis (3. 21), according to Forrer's (Forschungen 1. 57) restoration. The king says: 'Since it was not possible to go up <the mountain> with horses, I marched before (piran huiyanun) the army on foot'. Usually the phrase has a god or several gods as subject, and the context makes it perfectly clear that in marching before the army of the Hittite king the gods insure his victory. This interpretation gains support from many Assyrian passages which represent the gods as marching before or beside their royal worshippers.


Difficult as it is to combine in one verb the meanings 'flee' and 'march <to victory>', the evidence seems to require that we do so. Perhaps the original meaning was 'run' or 'hasten'; but it is equally possible that we should start with the meaning 'flee'. For the change of meaning, compare Latin fugio, as in Statius Thebais 9. 770: nullum sine numine fugit missile, and especially Seneca Epistulae 108. 25: Numquam Vergilius . . . dies dicit ire, sed fugere, quod currendi genus concitatissimum est. The further development of meaning from 'run' to 'march' is surprising; but from that there seems to be no escape.

The word has other meanings, however, which can scarcely be derived either from 'run' or from 'flee'. One of the curses in the military oath runs: 'May his wives not bear sons and daughters; on the plain and in the... and in the meadows(?) ú-el-ku(?)-wa li-e hu-wa-a-i for him, and may his cows and sheep not bear calves and lambs'. Friedrich shows that the second of the three clauses should be in effect 'may not crops grow for him', and that welkuwan actually appears as the name of a plant <I should rather assume the meaning 'vegetation' > in a parallel curse (4. 17): ú-el-ku-wa-an li-e ú-iz-zi 'may welkuwan <i.e. vegetation> not come up'. Nevertheless Friedrich does not venture to translate huwai as 'grow',' since he can cite no parallels See Hrozný, BoSt. 3. 17511; Sommer and Ehelolf, BoSt. 10. 81.

'KBo. 6. 34. 2. 38-41.

Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, Neue Folge 1. 181f. (1924).

'ZA, NF. 1. 165 (1924), Aus dem Hethitischen Schrifthum 2. 18 (= Der Alte Orient 25. 2. 18).

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