you, wherefore, in this case, I can no wayes doubt of your punctuall compliance with. "Your loving Uncle & most faithful frend, "CHARLES R." This letter was written by the King at perhaps the most critical moment of his military career. Secretly marching out of Oxford, which was then threatened with a siege, he made his way to Worcester, and appeared bent on reaching Shrewsbury. His sudden departure drew the Parliamentary armies after him, and for the moment saved Oxford. The movement commenced in flight, though afterwards it assumed the form of an offensive operation, and has been described as masterly and successful strategy on the part of the King. Exactly one week before the date of this letter the Duke of Richmond thus wrote from Worcester to the Prince, "We want money, men, conduct, diligence, provisions, time, and good counsel. Our hope rests chiefly in your good success." A letter written by Lord Digby on the 8th, after giving an account of the proceedings since the resolution to quit Oxford was adopted, and stating that the Royal forces consisted of 2,000 musketeers and 2,500 horse, besides the garrison of Evesham, and that that town had been abandoned to, and Tewkesbury occupied by, the enemy, proceeds-"When I shall have told your Highness this and that Essex comes upon us one way, Waller likely to go about us on the Welsh side of Gloucester, that Massey and the Lord Denbigh towards Kidderminster, both with considerable forces; and when to all this I shall add the uncertainty as yet of your Brother's succeeding before Lyme, and that Oxford is scarce victualled for a month, and, for ought we know, blocked up in a manner by the enemy's horse, your Highness will easily frame to yourself an image of our sad condition; all hopes of relief to which, depend upon your Highness' happy and timely success, which his Majesty is resolved to expect by defending this place with his foot, unless there shall be an opportunity given them of putting them into Bristol and joining them with Prince Maurice, and then remove with what horse and dragoons he can make, according as the event shall give him the opportunity of doing it with most safety." A few days later Essex marched to Salisbury and thence to Lyme and Plymouth, while Waller, with insufficient numbers, was left to watch the King. Charles availed himself of the opportunity thus offered him, and on 29th June, at Cropredy Bridge, near Banbury, inflicted a defeat upon his enemy, and a few days later moved westward, intending to do battle with Essex who was besieging Exeter. The letter of the King was couched in far more imperative terms than those he ordinarily employed. In the letters now published he says he is very much "pleased with a proposition, but will not conclude it without your advice." "I would not have you to judge by our foolish discourses here, but doe according to your owen judgement." "I offer for "I offer for your consideration whether you will not rather bend towards Yorkeshire to save my Lord Newcastle & to beat the Scots, then to reduce Lancashire." In this communication however, instead of consulting his Nephew, Charles excuses himself for giving him peremptory commands; he tells him if York falls his Crown will follow, and therefore commands and conjures Rupert to march to the relief of that city; it is clear, too, that he thinks the defeat of the Scotch army absolutely necessary for the preservation of the Town for the only chance he has of spinning out time depends on his Nephew relieving York and beating the rebel armies of both Kingdoms which were before it—and at the end of the letter he repeats the same idea, for he adds "if that York be lost or you cannot undertake that work, immediately march with your whole strength to Worcester to assist me and my army; without which, or your having relieved York by beating the Scots, all the success you can afterwards have must infallibly be useless to me." The language of the letter appears to countenance the construction Prince Rupert placed upon it, and the desperate condition of the King's affairs may to some extent justify the risk so fatally run-but every leader of an army is bound to use discretion even in obeying orders, and the battle of Marston as fought and lost evidenced neither the prudence of a man of the world, nor the skill and military qualities of a great general. The day after the battle, Clarendon states that Prince Rupert and the Marquis sent messages to one another,* "the one that he was resolved, that morning, to march away with his horse, and as many foot as he had left; and the other, that he would, at that instant, repair to the sea side, and transport himself beyond the seas; both which they immediately performed." Lord Eythin accompanied the Marquis, upon which,t "they who were content to spare the Marquis poured out all the reproaches of infidelity, treason, and conjunction with his countrymen which, without doubt, was * without the least foundation, or ground for any such reproach * * Clarendon, vol. 4, p. 512. * * he had been prosecuted by some of his countrymen with the highest malice, from his very coming into the King's service, and the same malice pursued him after he had left the Kingdom, even to his death." It was evidently a report that the Prince had given countenance to these rumours that called forth Lord Eythin's remonstrance of 23rd of January, 1645 [No. 22.] The letter of 28th March [No. 25] was written by Sir Samuel Tuke, a Colonel in the King's Service. General Porter, to whom it is addressed, commanded a regiment of the Marquis of Newcastle's foot at Marston, and at different times held offices of trust for the Crown. Differences arose between him and his superior officer, Lord Goring, and each of them impeached the loyalty and honour of the other. Porter did his best to justify Lord Goring's charges against him, by quitting his command in October 1645 and hastening up to London and making his peace with the Parliament. Goring, whose career was a long succession of curiously varied treacheries, deserted his post at the same time and retired to France; almost his last official act was to issue an order under which £200 was paid to Porter, a sum that worthy gentleman employed to defray the cost of his journey to London and his submission to the Parliament. Sir Samuel Tuke was a faithful servant of the King. In 1648 he was one of the leaders of the Royalists in the insurrection which closed so tragically in Colchester. He died 25th January, 1670, and was a man of some consideration after the restoration. Pepys, in his diary under date 1st February, 1668-9, says, "at the change, I did at my booksellers shop accidentally fall into talk with Sir Samuel Tuke about trees and Mr. Evelyn's garden, and I do find him, I think, a little conceited, but a man of very fine discourse as any I ever heard almost; which I was mighty glad of." He was a cousin of John Evelyn, in whose correspondence and diaries there are many references to him. Daniell O'Neille, the writer of the letter numbered 26, was a gentleman of independent means, great daring, and a strong disposition for political intrigue. Before the war broke out he was no favorite with Charles, for he was of the number of those who hunted Strafford to his doom, but when the troubles began, and before a sword was drawn, he perilled liberty and life in the service of the King. He was concerned in 1641 with Digby, Wilmot, Goring, and Ashburnham in "the army plot," the object of which was to support the King, uphold the Church, and overawe the Parliament. In a letter of Sir Edward Nicholas to the King, of 27th September, 1641, he states that O'Neille and Sir J. Berkeley had been the day before at Weybridge, "I was bould then," he adds, “to deliver my opinion to ye Queene, that I did beleeve if they continued in England they would be arrested," and two days later he mentions that they had been arrested on the 28th, "and ye committees would not bayle them, though they tendered it, alledging they had not power to doe it." In the margin of this letter the King wrote “I hope some day they may repent their severetie." On 19th November Nicholas again wrote on this subject, "The business against O'Neall is referred to a select comittee to be prepared ready for ye House against Monday next, and some think it will be hardly heard then, for albeit yo Comons have a very good minde to proceede |