CHAP.

He

Mounier replied tartly that the mob might come. XXXVIII. only hoped that, instead of killing some, it would slay all of them. "A pretty answer," observed Mirabeau. When the female torrent did burst into the assembly, Mounier was glad to follow Mirabeau's advice. A deputation of the members accompanied him, and a number of the women also. Passing with some difficulty through gates and guards, they were brought into the presence of the king, who received them, especially the women, kindly, promising they should have bread. One of the women fainted at the unexpected kindness of the monarch. She and her companions withdrew full of confidence in him. But when they expressed this, their comrades were for no less than for hanging them, and took off their garters for the purpose. But there was no lamp-post near, and the gardes du corps interfered.

In the evening Lafayette appeared, and hastened to the king, who, he found, had again declined to depart or escape, and who had signified to the assembly his full acceptance of the decrees they had sent for his sanction. On entering the palace, the general was saluted with the exclamation, "There's Cromwell!" "Cromwell, my good friends," observed Lafayette, "would not have entered the palace alone, and without a guard."

As the women and the mob still occupied the courts of the palace, and prepared to pass the night there, although there was no distribution of provisions or bread, it was necessary to provide for the defence of the chateau. Lafayette was for confiding it to the national guards, especially as disputes and struggles had taken place between them and the gardes du corps; some had been even killed. At length it was arranged that the national guard, or paid portion of them, should have the posts in the courts, whilst the gardes du corps should keep those towards the garden. The night

* Lafayette. St. Priest. Necker. Dumas.

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passed in comparative quiet, and Lafayette retired to CHAP. rest. A little after six he was roused by the intelligence that some of the mob had penetrated into the chateau. The most usual entrances to it were, and are still, the columned passages between court and garden. Towards daybreak some ruffians, finding the portal on the south side unguarded, rushed in, overcame the first garde du corps that encountered them, and, well led or well instructed, rushed towards the queen's apartments. Two of the gardes were slain in the attempt to stop the assassins. Another made an obstinate defence, though severely wounded, having given the queen warning to escape. This she did by what one might call the nursery staircase to the king's apartment. The ruffians made their way to the bed which she had just left. More of the mob having broken in, continued to struggle with the gardes du corps, till a company of national guards, sent by Lafayette, arrived, and put an end to the combat.

The multitude in the court without, though they had taken no part in the onslaught, poured forth vociferations that the king should come to Paris. A council was hastily held in the chateau; and the extreme likelihood was represented of the Duke of Orleans being proclaimed lieutenant-general of the kingdom if Louis resisted the demands of the Parisians. The king immediately resolved to proceed to Paris, and caused it to be announced. Lafayette asked the queen what was her determination. "Not to quit the king," was her reply. "Come, then," said the general, as he led the way to the balcony, to which as Marie Antoinette advanced, imprecations worse than death to her were heard. Lafayette knelt and kissed the queen's hand. The multitude applauded the dumb show of reconciliation. The voice of the assassins was drowned in joyous clamour. Lafayette then brought forth a garde du corps, embraced him also as a sign of reconciliation with that corps. The

CHAP people applauded this also, and the pact between the king and the people was virtually concluded.

XXXVIII.

The procession was soon formed: the royal family in one of their large coaches; some troops crestfallen; the gardes du corps disarmed; the cannon with women astride them. The national guard, the diversely armed and strangely accoutred mob, formed one of those scenes which no other epoch has produced. Lafayette kept what order was possible. The king, troubled at first, recovered calm as he proceeded. The queen, who wished to stop at the Tuileries, was told it might be dangerous. The royal family therefore went to the Hôtel de Ville; and the king, addressing the people, said, he returned with confidence amongst his good people of Paris. Bailly repeated the words aloud, but omitted mention of confidence. The queen remarked the omission. "It is all the better to have it repeated at your suggestion," observed the mayor. The procession then returned to the Tuileries, where the royal family, in much disorder, once more established itself. The national assembly, little thought of during the catastrophe which overwhelmed it as well as the crown, also declared its sittings removed to the capital. They were at first held in the archbishop's palace, until a temporary edifice of wood selected opposite the Tuileries received them later.†

The French revolution is generally considered to have been a cataract of popular passions long pent up, but which, the barrier once burst, rushed precipitately and without intermission into the abyss of anarchy and blood. It was not so. The first rush of the revolution, which commenced about the time of the opening

*The heads of the two gardes du corps slain had been fixed on pikes, but formed no part of the procession. They had been already borne with the tidings of triumph

to the Palais Royal.

Montgaillard says this manége occupied the site of the present Nos. 36 and 38, Rue de Rivoli.

XXXVIII.

of the assembly, and which was signalised by the СНАР. repulse of the troops and the capture of the Bastille in. July, culminated in the popular expedition to Versailles and the bringing of the royal family to Paris. Some few excesses and villanous crimes followed. But on the whole there was a suspension of street anarchy and murder. The middle class organised as national guards, and, under the lead of Lafayette, got the better of popular turbulence; which, though it continued to ferment, was still prevented from boiling up into insurrection. For very nearly two years, which elapsed from the removal of the king to Paris till after his flight to Varennes, there was a pause in the downward progress of at least violent revolution. The assembly was enabled leisurely to complete its task of framing a new constitution and a new order of things. And a long interval was afforded to the friends of constitutional principles, and to the enlightened classes, to concert, to combine, and take the requisite measures for maintaining that ascendency and authority of the educated and experienced over the ignorant and impassioned masses without which no solid foundation for even popular liberties can be laid.

It is painful to observe how completely this opportunity was thrown away, although Lafayette and Bailly did, to a certain degree, their duty. Towards the close of October an unfortunate baker, named François, was accused by the people of secreting some loaves for his own consumption. Brought before the authorities of the Hôtel de Ville, these, as usual, sought to save him by the delay of a formal trial, which the mob perceiving tore their victim from the hands of municipal justice, hanged, and decapitated him. Lafayette could not prevent, but he at least punished the perpetrators. A man, taken with the baker's head on a pike, was arrested, condemned, and executed.

In

the assembly some proposed a proclamation to the XXXVIII. people. "And when you have scolded and disgusted the people," asked Robespierre, "who will defend you against the reaction of the court?" The assembly, nevertheless, voted that martial law might be proclaimed by the hoisting of a red flag, after which the rioters might be fired upon if they did not disperse. The sections, or electoral assemblies of districts, resisted, indeed, these conservative measures. Marat denounced them in his journal. And Danton stigmatised them from his chair as head of the section of the Cordeliers. Such dangerous defiance could only be overcome by a stringent law against the abuse of the press and of the clubs. But each of these was a wide question, leading to fierce struggles and disputes in the assembly. To put a stop or even a check upon either went directly contrary to that declaration of the rights of man which Lafayette himself had affixed to the constitution. And hence the general, when driven to any severe act of repression, was much more given to repent and atone for such a contradiction to his principles than to follow up with vigour a steady and sensible policy of resistance.

It was not in the streets, or in the police of them, that the principal duty of utilising and serving the revolution lay. This should have been performed by the national assembly, by the king, and the minister whom he might select. But authorities and politicians, unfortunately, instead of continuing to guide the revolution in a safe and salutary course, either did nothing or worked their utmost to send the country and themselves to perdition. The majority of the assembly, contented with the chief conquests of the revolution, the abolition of privileges, the equality of all before the law, were inclined to stop short and merely consolidate what had been done. But there was no point or person around which they could rally.

The king was the most uncertain of