CHAP.

VIII.

and usages of the protestants. "Luther, it is true," he observes, "had brought all those charges against the church of Rome, which Bucer would now prefer; but under widely different circumstances. Luther wrote as an individual, aiming to put the guilty party to shame, and to bring them to repentance, or to induce those who were convinced by his arguments to desert them: but this had no resemblance to the case of a body of princes presenting a formal accusation before a court, which was to hear and decide upon the cause.' The paper of Bucer, however, Seckendorf observes, contained many excellent things, highly worthy of the writer's reputation; and, "when he advanced any peculiar opinions, he was not tenacious of them, or disposed for their sake to disturb the peace of the church."

With the Wittemberg paper Pontanus was highly gratified. He thought it faithful and yet eminently mild and temperate. "The vehemence of Luther," he says, " is not to be found in its style, yet it is thoroughly sound and good." He would have it rendered into Latin by Melancthon; and he felt assured that it must every where produce a strong impression of the moderation of the protestant body. "Though the reformation," he observes, "which the pope and the bishops will propose in their council will be of a very different sort, they will gain nothing from the comparison of the two but censure, shame, and increasing contempt." He only feared lest Bucer's scheme should occasion any division among the protestants. He commends the mildness of Melancthon, and says, the elector will remember how serviceable it had proved at Augsburg. He would have him therefore employed on the present occasion,

and Luther's services reserved for other circumstances, which he feared the proceedings of the approaching council would soon present. "Then," he says, "there will be need for Luther to seize the great axe, and lay about him manfully. For that sort of work he has, by the gift and grace of God, a spirit superior to that of other men."

The elector next communicated the Wittemberg plan to the landgrave. He and his divines highly approved it, suggesting only some minor alterations, which were easily admitted.

A. D. 1545.

dence of

In their correspondence with the elector on Corresponthis occasion the Wittemberg divines complain, the Witthat their adversaries became more and more temberg furious; that this very year great numbers of Divines. persons, and among them some very wise and learned men, had been burned for their religion; and that Ferdinand, notwithstanding his fair professions in Germany, had issued such edicts concerning religion as caused great distress to his Hungarian subjects, who trembled at the thoughts of the Turkish war commencing with such auspices. "The blood of Christians will cry to heaven, and, it is to be feared, will be severely visited. These murders and burnings cannot last long:" "We have sketched," they say, "a short and somewhat frigid form of reformation. We are very willing that others should deliver their sentiments, and propose what is better. We have purposely passed over many difficult questions; so that any candid person may perceive that we seek not contention, but incline as much as is possible and lawful to peace, while our adversaries will not point out a single iota in which they will make the least concession. But whatever the will of God may be, we will say, My prayer is unto

CHAP.
VIII.

Conference of

thee, O Lord! and will render such an account of our doctrine as God shall enable us."

As they had anticipated, however, there proved to be no sincerity in the proposals that had been made for a candid discussion of differences between the two parties; and the plan of reformation which had been prepared with so much care, and in such a spirit of moderation, was never called for. 1

It may be observed, that on this occasion Luther still explicitly adheres to his principle, that no use of force, beyond the strict limits of self-defence, was lawful for the protestants as a religious body, though strong grounds had been given to the princes for taking arms against their adversaries. 2 And, as this was in the last year of his life, it may serve to rebut the insinuations of Bossuet and others, that he became ultimately by no means unwilling to promote his reformation by force of arms.

Against that part of the recess of Worms, Ratisbon: which appointed a conference to take place between a certain number of catholic and protestant divines, previously to the diet of Ratisbon, a protest was entered by both parties; by the former, because it was referring religious questions to a tribunal not authorized to take cognizance of them; by the latter, because it might prejudice the liberty granted by the recess of Spires, to continue till the question of religion could be settled by a competent authority. But the measure suited the emperor's present purposes, and therefore it passed. The pope shewed that he had an understanding with Charles in the business; and, though the elector of Saxony was much disinclined to it, his divines

1 Seck. iii. 521, 536-539, 543, 555, 556. 2 Ib. 543 (q).

justly and temperately urged, that it was "one thing to ask a conference, and another to consent to one when the emperor demanded it." 1 Its proceedings, however, were soon terminated, and there is no need to enter at all minutely into them. We have already had more than enough of these vain attempts to make fire and water coalesce, which can only be at peace when kept apart, or by the nature of one or of both being changed. What sort of managers the emperor deputed to the conference, Dr. Robertson has already informed us.2 The

bishop of Aichstadt, Maurice Hutten, was the first president; and he, before the conferences began, invited the whole party to his table, and there advised them to refer the matter entire to the council, and to proceed to Trent, rather than dispute where they were; declaring that, for his own part, he was determined to adhere to old mother church. 3 On the part of the protestants, the divines first nominated were Melancthon, Bucer, Snepfius, and Brentius; but Melancthon was excused at the instance of Luther, and G. Major substituted for him. I quote the words of Luther on this occasion, as tending to refute the charge of jealousy and unkindness towards Melancthon, which Hospinian (a historian of the 'reformed church) has insinuated against him. "There

is not a man there," Luther says, "worthy to dispute with Melancthon. Major is more than

1 Sleid. 352. Seck. iii. 546, 547, 620.

One of the elector of Saxony's counsellors characterizes them by the two lines,

Ignavi monachi, pepones, et inertia terræ

Pondera, degeneri, dedita turba gulæ ;

and Bucer says of them, "Quibus pejores, impudentiores, et magis profani et impii reperiri non potuerint. Seck. iii. 616,

623.

3

Materculam vetulam."

A. D. 1546.

CHAP.
VIII.

a match for them; and he has Snepfius and Brentius to support him-men who neither will nor can make any injurious concession. Melancthon also is not in good health, and he ought not to be needlessly exposed, lest we should have in vain to lament his loss. Besides, the younger men ought to be brought forward, that they may be prepared to take our place."1

It properly belonged to Major, as deputed by the elector, to take the lead on the protestant side; but his modesty made him absolutely refuse this, and that part devolved in consequence on Bucer, as the senior. Some distrust of him, as too prone to concession was felt; but he appears to have performed his part faithfully and well. Major bears the most honourable testimony of him, as admirably fitted for such a discussion, conducting himself with signal fidelity, and shewing the highest regard for the divines of Wittemberg, whom he called "his fathers and preceptors.' This again repels the calumny of Maimbourg, that Bucer "advanced many things which were not sanctioned by the judgment of his colleagues."

Indeed scarcely any other point of doctrine seems to have come under discussion, than that of justification, which the protestants contended ought not to have been here discussed at all, it being among those which had been settled at the conferences held in the same place five years before. Malvenda, however, would enter largely into it; and, after having heard Bucer fully in reply, he came to the following conclusions: "That works do dispose and prepare men for justification; that charity is the form" or essence "of (justifying)