into particulars, we must take a view of the reign of James II., and of that improvement of the English constitution with which it was terminated.

LETTER XVI.

History of Great Britain and Ireland, during the Reign of

James II.

THE popular character and temporising policy of Charles II. had so generally reconciled the English nation even to his arbitrary government, that the obnoxious religion, and absurd A.D. bigotry of his brother, may be considered as having been 1685. fortunate circumstances for the British constitution. For, if James II. had been a Protestant, he might quietly have established despotism in England: or if, as he formerly promised, he had made his religion a private affair between God and his own conscience, he might still have been able to subdue the small remains of liberty, and to establish that absolute sway which he loved. But the justice of these reflections will best appear from the facts by which they were suggested.

The new king, who was fifty-one years of age when he ascended the throne, began his reign with a very popular act. He immediately assembled the privy council, and declared, that, although he had been represented as a man of arbitrary principles, and though he would never relinquish the just rights and prerogatives of the crown, he was determined to maintain the established government, both in church and state, being sensible that the laws of England were sufficient to make him as great a monarch as he could wish 1. This declaration gave great satisfaction to the council, and was received with the warmest applause by the nation. As James had hitherto been considered as a prince of unimpeached honour and sincerity, no one doubted that his intentions were conformable to his professions. have now," it was commonly said, "the word of a king; and a word never yet broken'!" It was represented as a greater security to the constitution than any that laws could give. Ad

1 Printed Declaration.

2 Burnet, book iv.

66

dresses poured in from all quarters, full not only of expressions of duty, but of the most servile adulation'.

But this popularity was of short continuance. The nation was soon convinced, that the king either was not sincere in his promise of preserving the constitution inviolate, or entertained ideas of that constitution very different from those of his people, and such as could yield no security to their civil and religious liberties. He went openly, and with all the ensigns of his dignity, to mass, an illegal worship; he was even so imprudent as to urge others to follow his example; he sent an agent to Rome, to make submissions to the pope; and he levied taxes without the authority of parliament'.

James, however, soon found the necessity of assembling a parliament; and, in consequence of the influence which the crown had acquired in the boroughs, by the violation of the charters, a house of commons was procured as compliant as even an arbitrary prince could wish. If they had been otherwise disposed, the king's speech was more calculated to work on their fears than their affections, to inflame opposition than to conciliate favour, and strongly indicated the violence of his principles. After repeating his promise to govern according to the laws, and to preserve the established religion, he told the commons that he positively expected they would grant him, during his life, the same revenue which his brother had enjoyed. "I might use many arguments," said he, "to enforce this demand! the benefit of trade, the support of the navy, the necessities of the crown, and the well-being of the government itself, which I must not suffer to be precarious; but I am confident that your own consideration, and your sense of what is just, will suggest to you whatever I might reasonably say on this occasion. There is indeed one popular argument," added he, “ which may be urged against compliance with my demands. Men may think, that by feeding me from time to time with such supplies as they think convenient, they will better secure frequent meetings of parliament; but, as this is the first time that I speak to you from the throne, I will answer this argument once for all.

1 The address from the quakers, however, was distinguished by that plainness which has so long characterized the sect. "We are come," said they, "to testify our sorrow for the death of our good friend Charles, and our joy for thy being made our governor. We are told thou art not of the persuasion of the church of England, any more than we; wherefore, we hope thou wilt grant us the same liberty which thou allowest thyself; which doing, we wish thee all manner of happiness."

2 Burnet, book iv.-Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. iii.

I must plainly tell you, that such an expedient would be very improper to employ with ME; and that the best way to engage me to meet you often, is always to use me well'."

In return to this imperious speech, which a spirited parliament would have received with indignation, both houses presented an address of thanks, without so much as a debate; and the commons unanimously voted, that the revenue enjoyed by the late king, at the time of his death, should be settled on their new sovereign for life. Nor did the generosity of the commons stop here. The king having demanded a farther supply for removing the anticipations on the revenue, and other temporary purposes, they revived certain duties on wines and vinegar, which had been granted to Charles, but which, having expired during the bad humours of his latter parliaments, had not been renewed. To these were added some impositions on tobacco and sugar; all which, under the rigid oeconomy of James, rendered the crown, in time of peace, independent of the parliament.

The Scottish parliament went yet farther than that of England. Both lords and commons declared their abhorrence of all the principles and positions derogatory to the king's sacred, supreme, sovereign, absolute authority; of which none, they said, whether single persons or collective bodies, could participate but in dependence on him and by commission from him. They offered, in the name of the nation, to support with their lives and fortunes the present king, and his lawful heirs, against all mortal men and they annexed the whole excise, both of inland and foreign commodities, for ever to the crown".

This profuse liberality of the parliaments of the two kingdoms, and the general and even abject submission of the two nations, gave the king reason to believe that his throne was as safely established as that of any European monarch. But, while every thing remained in tranquillity at home, a storm was gathering abroad to disturb his repose; and this, although it was dissipated with little trouble, may be considered as a prelude to the great revolution which finally deprived him of his crown, and condemned him and his posterity to a dependent and fugitive life among foreigners.

The prince of Orange, ever since the proposed exclusion of James, had raised his hopes to the English throne. He had entered deeply into intrigues with the ministers of Charles; he

1 Journals, May 19, 1685.

2 Burnet, book iv.-Hume, vol. viii.

had encouraged the parliamentary leaders in their violent opposition; and, unaccountable as it may seem, it appears that he secretly abetted the ambitious views of the duke of Monmouth, though they both aimed at the same object'. It is at least certain that he received the duke with great kindness and respect, after he had been pardoned by a fond and indulgent father, for his unnatural share in the Rye-house plot, but ordered to leave the kingdom on a new symptom of disaffection; and that, on the accession of James, when the prince of Orange was professing the strongest attachment to his father-in-law, the duke, the earl of Argyle, and other British fugitives in Holland, were suffered, under his secret protection, to provide themselves with necessaries, and to form the plan of an invasion, in hopes of rousing the people to arms'.

Argyle, who was first ready, sailed for Scotland with three vessels, carrying arms and ammunition; and, soon after his arrival in the Highlands, he found himself at the head of two thousand men. But the king's authority was too firmly established in Scotland to be shaken by such a force. The earl was so far sensible of his weakness, that he was afraid to venture into the low country; where, if he had been able to keep the field, he might have met with support from the covenanters. At any rate, he ought to have hazarded the attempt, before the ardour of his adherents had leisure to cool, or his well-wishers time to discern his danger, instead of waiting for an accession of strength among his mountains. But his situation, it must be owned, was truly discouraging. Government, apprised of his intended invasion, had ordered all the considerable gentry of his clan to be thrown into prison. The militia of the kingdom, to the number of twentytwo thousand men, were soon under arms; and a third part of them, with some regular forces, were now on their march to oppose him. The marquis of Athol pressed him on one side; lord Charles Murray on the other; the duke of Gordon hung upon his rear; the earl of Dunbarton met him in front. His arms and ammunition were seized, his provisions cut off. In this desperate extremity, he endeavoured to force his way into the disaffected part of the western counties. He accordingly crossed the river Leven, and afterwards the Clyde; but no person showed either courage or inclination to join him. His followers, who had suffered all the hardships of famine and fatigue, gra

1 See King James's Mem. in Macpherson's Original Papers, vol. i, and also the Negotiations of the Count D'Avaux.

2 Memoirs of James.-D'Avaux.

dually deserted; and he himself, being made prisoner, was carried to Edinburgh, and put to death on a former iniquitous sentence. Two English gentlemen excepted, his adherents, by dispersing themselves, escaped punishment.

Meanwhile the duke of Monmouth, according to agreement, had landed in the west of England; and, although he was then. accompanied only by about eighty persons, the number of his armed partisans soon increased to three thousand. At the head of these, who were chiefly of the lower class, he entered Taunton; where he was received with such extraordinary expressions of joy, that he issued a declaration asserting the legitimacy of his birth, and assumed the title of king. He now proceeded to Bridgewater, where he was received with equal affection, and proclaimed king by the magistrates, with all the formalities of their office. His party hourly increased; and he was obliged, every day, for want of arms, to dismiss great numbers who crowded to his standard. He only, perhaps, needed conduct and abilities to have overturned his uncle's throne. Observing his want of these as well as of resources, the nobility and gentry kept at a distance. He had no man of talents or courage, to give advice to him in the closet, or to assist him in the field. Lord Grey, his general of horse, whom he had the weakness to continue in command, was to his own knowledge a coward; and he himself, though personally brave, allowed the expectation of the people to languish, without attempting any bold enterprise'.

Notwithstanding this imprudent caution, and the news of Argyle's miscarriage, Monmouth's followers continued to adhere to him, after all his hopes of success had failed, and when he had even thought of providing for his own safety by flight. Roused to action by such warm attachment, and encouraged by the prospect of seizing an unexpected advantage, he atJuly G. tacked the king's forces, under the earl of Feversham, at Sedgemoor, near Bridgewater; and if his own misconduct, and the cowardice of lord Grey, had not obstructed his success, he might have obtained a complete victory. Though Grey and the cavalry fled at the beginning of the action, the undisciplined infantry gallantly maintained the combat for three hours; and the duke himself, beside his errors in generalship, quitted the field too early for an adventurer contending for a crown'.

1 Burnet.-Wodrow.

2 Burnet.-Kennet.-Ralph.

3 Burnet, book iv.

VOL. II.

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