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of the earth relatively to the moon. And, according to that theory [in the first paper], in very early times the moon was very near the earth, whilst the relative angular velocity was comparatively great. Now, this sort of motion, acting on a mass which is perfectly homogeneous, would raise wrinkles on the surface which would run in directions perpendicular to the axis of greatest pressure. In the case of the earth, the wrinkles would run north and south at the equator, and would bear away to the eastward in northerly and southerly latitudes, so that at the north pole the trend would be north-east, and at the south pole north-west. Also the intensity of the wrinkling force varies as the square of the cosine of the latitude, and is thus greatest at the equator and zero at the poles. Any wrinkle, when once formed, would have a tendency to turn slightly, so as to become more nearly east and west than it was when first made.
"The general configuration of the continents (the large wrinkles) on the earth's surface appears to me remarkable when viewed in connection with these results. There can be little doubt that, on the whole, the highest mountains are equatorial, and that the general trend of the great continents is north and south in those regions. The theoretical directions of coast-line are not so well marked in parts removed from the equator.
"The great line of coast running from north Africa by Spain to Norway has a decidedly north-easterly bearing, and the long Chinese coast exhibits a similar tendency. The same may be observed in the line from Greenland down to the Gulf of Mexico; but here we meet a very unfavorable case in Panama, Mexico, and the long Californian coast-line.
"From the paucity of land in the southern hemisphere, the indications are not so good, nor are they very favorable to these views. The great line of elevation which runs from Borneo through Queensland to New Zealand might perhaps be taken as an example of a north-westerly trend. The Cordilleras run very nearly north and south, but exhibit a clear north-westerly twist in Tierra del Fuego, and there is another slight bend of the same character in Bolivia."
After speaking of his theory as in accordance with the views of geologists, so far as they hold that the general position of continents is what it was from the first, Mr. Darwin remarks:
"An inspection of Professor Schiaparelli's map of Mars (1878), I think, will prove the north and south trend of continents is something [not] peculiar to the earth. In the equatorial regions we there observe a great many very large islands separated by about twenty narrow channels running approximately north and south. The northern hemisphere is not given beyond latitude 40°, but the coast-lines of the southern hemisphere exhibit a strongly marked north-westerly tendency. It must be confessed, however, that the case of Mars is almost too favorable, because we have to suppose, according to the theory, that its distortion is due to the sun, from which the planet must always have been distant. The very short period of the inner satellite shows, however, that the Martian rotation must have been (according to the theory) largely retarded; and where there has been retardation, there must have been internal distortion."
The later map (Popular Science Monthly, 1889) after Schiaparelli's observations in 1888, gives the Martian surface from 70° north to 70° south. The number of lines, including those of socalled islands and coasts, running north-easterly, are about equal to those running north-westerly; although, east of 280° longitude the lines are most strikingly north-westerly for about half the surface of the planet, as any one can observe, inverting the map to bring the north to the top, and the west to the left hand (see "Septentrio" and "Occidens" printed in the border of the map). Beginning with the west, the longest north-west lines (all double) and their angles with the equator are as follows, indicated by names connected with them: Oreus, 20°; Pyriphlegethon, 47° to 50° (both continued on the east in the map); Hydractes-Phlegethon, 24°; and Antæus Eunastos, 40°, with virtual long continuations extending it from 40° south to 60° north. The mean inclination of these four is about 34°; and a striking fact is that two are 20-24°, and two 40-45° nearly. The mean of ten most noticeable north-west lines, double or single, is about 42° 44'.
The longest north-east lines, also double, are Gigas, the in
clination changing from 40° on the south of the equator to 30° on the north; Phison. 45°; and Erebus-Cerberus, somewhat curved, 25°; of great length, and continued as a single line east through not less than 150° of longitude, The mean is about 43°, excluding the double Jumana, 75°. Twelve conspicuous northeast lines, single or double, have a mean inclination of nearly 50° 45'. A few others are north and south, or so nearly so as to be counted such.
For comparison, a map of the earth on Mercator's projeection must be taken. The mean of ten of the most noticeable northwestern trends of coast, mountain, or depression is 60°, as against 42° 44' in Mars. The mean of fourteen north-east is about 46° 25', as against 50° 45′ of the twelve above mentioned in Mars, a striking similarity. The great features, running north and south, are few, as in Mars; viz., the southern Andes, the Ural Mountains; and the less-known chain of eastern Africa.
Mr. G. H. Darwin's theory is, so far as known to the writer, the best one for the earth, and the only one fairly worked out, though, as Mr. Darwin acknowledged, it is poorly consistent with the earth's great north-west lines, and is seemingly opposed to the tidal probabilities of Mars, which has two small but near moons of different revolution. It would be exceedingly interesting if some mathematical astronomer would work out the complicated problem of the tides of Mars (perhaps considerable at conjunctions) on the supposition that its surface was all water. But Mr. Darwin partly dismisses the moons, and refers to the action of the sun, which, however, he thinks must have been inconsiderable. This reference is curiously coincident with a reported suggestion by the late Professor Benjamin Peirce that our continental trends might be due to the "action of the sun." I cannot get from his son, through a friend, any reference to a record of his view; only that in a perhaps unpublished paper, or on some occasion, he called attention, as everyone knows he did, to the remarkable fact that the continental trends are great circles of the sphere tangential to the arctic and antarctic circles, - a fact with some striking illustrations, but not universal. Professor Dana credits the first observation of this to Robert Owen, in his "Key to the Geology of the Globe," 1857.
Professor James D. Dana suggested that the great lines of the earth might be due to a system of cleavage comparable to that of crystals.1 He refers to parallelism observed in the crystals of a solidifying mass, but does not give particulars. In some crystalline rocks, e. g., gneiss, the parallelism conforms to layers of deposit, and here and in other instances may also have to do with pressure. How it is in respect to unstratified metamorphic rocks is a question to be determined by observation. There is one fact on a limited scale that may have some weight; it is that, in cavities and fissures, implanted crystals have been observed to have uniform alignment to the horizon and points of compass,-similar faces of like crystals flashing simultaneously in the light. The importance of this fact, so far as it holds true, is that the arrangement must depend on some other force than molecular attractions; it may be from a very far-reaching cause, sufficient to produce lines of weakness, here and there, that became concurrent. Perhaps we shall have to fall back provisionally on that fetish of the ignorant and the semi-scientific, "electricity," supposed to explain everything from a tornado to a nervous twinge. In this case it might have a color of possibility, if it be true that 1" Cleavage Structure in the Earth's Crust.-The prevalent north-east and north-west courses of trends, the curves in the lines varying the direction from these courses, and the dependence of the outlines and feature-lines of the continents and oceanic lands upon these courses (p. 29) are the profoundest evidence of unity of development in the earth. Such lines of uplift are lines of fracture or lines of weakest cohesion; and, therefore, like the courses of cleavage in crystals, they show by their prevalence some traces of cleavagestructure in the earth, in other words, a tendency to break in two transverse directions rather than others.
"Such a cleavage-structure would follow from the mode of origin of the earth's crust. The crust has thickened by cooling until now scores of miles through; and very much as ice thickens - by additions to its lower surface. Ice takes a columnar structure, perpendicular to the surface, in the process, so as often to break into columns on slow melting. The earth's crust contains as its principal ingredient one or more kinds of feldspar, all cleavable minerals; and, as crystals on slow solidification often take a parallel position, so it might have been in the cooling crust. This appears the more probable when it is considered with what extreme slowness the thickening of the crust has gone on, and the immeasurable length of time it has occupied."-Dana's "Manual of Geology," 1876. pp. 737-8.
earth-currents have anything to do with such dispositions of matter as the renewed deposit of ores asserted of certain dry mines and tunnels; but no rock-bed, probably, is dry enough to demand such an explanation, which itself requires a great deal of explaining. In this connection I will add that a hexagonal crystallization in Mars, occurring to the mind of one of your correspondents, is as wild as the canal idea. The radiating lines are on too vast a scale; and there is nothing in any known crystallizations to favor the idea, unless it be the little six-rayed stars of frost spicules, from which the jump to Martian continents is too great. The radiations have their counterpart in the old volcanic surface of the moon and some analogous facts on the earth; also in mountain system "knots," Himalayan or other.
On the whole, the action of lunar and solar tides on planets while in a viscous condition, with more or less crust, is the only hypothesis that so far promises well, in explanation of the remarkable lines of the earth and Mars, notwithstanding the difficulties mentioned.
Yonkers, N. Y., Oct. 27.
BY ARTHUR E. BOSTWICK, PH.D, MONTCLAIR, N. J. EVIDENCE is not wanting to show that what we call personality is an extremely complex thing, the sum of subsidiary personalities which now shift and change like the figures in a kaleidoscope, and again, becoming sharply defined under some abnormal condition, crystallize into two or more distinct groups of elements, which alternately sleep and wake or even co-exist. These complex elements may be so unstable, the groups composing them constantly breaking up and forming new combinations, that the idea of multiple personality does not naturally attach itself to them; it is only when they become stable, and especially when each exhibits a well-defined consciousness, that we begin to think of such a thing. But, besides the abnormal and diseased conditions which cause such a separation or crystallization, there are other conditions in which it appears somewhat less distinctly. To one class of these I desire to call attention very briefly - to that embracing what may be called cases of residual personality. Residual phenomena of all kinds are particularly interesting and instructive, especially those where the few things remaining in a group after many have been removed differ widely in their collective properties from those that have been taken away, while these latter are not in any way distinguishable from those of the sum of both before the division. This is the case often with residual personality. Nothing is more common than for a group of elements in what we call a person to be differentiated in one of various ways, leaving behind a residual group differing altogether in its characteristics, though the differentiated group represents to us, and is indeed considered to be identical with, the original person.
The commonest method of such differentiation is sleep. The elements which sleep, are, as it were, subtracted from the normal personality, but there is usually left behind a very curious something - illogical, credulous, fantastic - whose nightly experiences the whole re-united person recollects in the morning as dreams. The next commonest case is that of the absent-minded person. The major part of the person being absorbed in mental processes of some sort, the residual person lives its own separate mental life, thinks, feels, and wills by itself, and perhaps carries on a train of processes which is continuous with a preceding train carried on under similar circumstances the day before. This residual person may act very mechanically; the re-united person may fail to recollect what its acts or thoughts were and be surprised to find how it has been making use of his limbs while he - what he vainly regards as the one unalterable ego - has been absorbed in thought; But, on the other hand, it may be perfectly conscious, and may carry on an entirely different train of thought of its own. Almost always, however, it is eccentric, and betrays a weakness at one point or another.
For instance, a suburban resident, whom we will call A, is accustomed on landing at the New York side of the ferry to abandon the mechanical task of walking to his office entirely to his
residual personality, and to give up the major part of himself to thought. The two personalities act often with perfect — always with practical-separateness, the residual person being quite equal to the low task of evading vehicles, steering clear of passers-by, and turning the proper corners. When the office is reached and the two persons again become one, it is often a difficult task to remember any circumstances of the walk. On one occasion, however, A left the Astor Library on Lafayette Place, as he supposed, intending to walk down Clinton Place. To do this he must turn first to the left, then to the right, and then again to the left. He turned once to the left, and after some time became dimly conscious that he had walked for a long time. and that the place for the second turn had not been reached. Coming to himself, he found himself far down Broadway. Tracing back his course mentally, he discovered that he had been in the Mercantile Library instead of the Astor; his first turn therefore had taken him down Broadway, and he of course did not reach the place for the second. Mark now the peculiarities of his residual person. It knew just where it was to turn and in what direction, and had sense enough to be uneasy when it did not come to the proper place to turn, but it had not intelligence enough to know that it was on the wrong street. Its mind was too weak to be trusted further than it was accustomed to go. This residual person, in short, was about on a par with a harmless idiot.
Again, B, a New Yorker, is walking along absorbed in a process of thought, when his residual personality sees his friend C approaching. It is not astonished, for he is near C's lodgings, but as the person supposed to be C comes nearer, it sees that he only slightly resembles C; he has on shabby clothes, and his face is entirely different. The natural conclusion would be that the person approaching was not C. The residual person, however, does not argue thus. It concludes at once that C has greatly changed; that he has become poor, and that his appearance has altered for the worse. Pity and surprise are plainly felt by the residual person. During these mental processes, so similar to those of a dream-residual, the major person has kept on with his own train of thought. Finally, however, on the close approach of the supposed C, they unite in a flash into the normal person, the two separate consciousnesses become one, and the truth is recognized at once. No doubt these cases can be paralleled by thousands of others. It seems to me that they are as true instances of double personality as any exhibited by epileptic or hypnotic persons. Why should the residual person differ so from the normal, while the differentiated person is precisely like the normal? If we take 199 gallons of water from 200, is not the remaining gallon still water? There are many mathematical analogies. In geometry, if we draw a parallel to the base of a triangle we thereby cut off a precisely similar triangle, yet what is left has no resemblance to a triangle. This analogy, carried out, would point to a consideration of personality as a function. of position or arrangement of elements, as chemical isomers are functions of the position of their constituent atoms. But an algebraic analogy, which ties us down to no such hypothesis, probably comes nearer the truth. Consider the identical equation (X + Y) − (a X + b Y ) = (1 − a) X + (1b) Y. If a = b, the ratio of the two terms of minuend, subX trahend, and remainder, each But if a and b differ very Y
little from unity and from each other, then may be sensibly 1. -a unity, while 1 b the terms of the subtrahend will be sensibly that of the terms of the minuend, while that of the terms of the remainder may differ greatly from both. In the same way, by extending the number of terms, we may subtract from any polynomial what is sensibly a sub-multiple of it, and yet leave a remainder whose terms bear a very great disproportion. Hence it is, no doubt, that the removal of a group of elements of porsonality that seems to represent one's normal self may leave a residue so different and so incongruous. It will be observed that what has been said is entirely independent of any hypothesis as to the nature of the elements of personality and the mode of their combination.
differs greatly from it, and thus the ratio of
CURRENT NOTES ON ANTHROPOLOGY.—XIX.
[Edited by D. G. Brinton, M.D., LL.D.]
[Dr. Brinton has been appointed, by the President, a commissioner to represent the United States at the Columbian Historical Exhibition in Madrid, and will be absent from the country about two months. One more instalment of these notes will appear before his return.-ED.]
The Congress of Criminal Anthropology.
THE third International Congress of Criminal Anthropology was held in Brussels Aug. 7-13, and resulted in a decide l advance in this extremely valuable branch of science. Although Professor Lombroso of Turin, who is looked upon almost as the father of the subject, was absent, and indeed the whole of the Italian contingent disgruntled, for some reason, it was alleged stopped away, yet there were very active discussions and a very marked change of base in regard to the physiology of the criminal classes.
Those who have followed the French and Italian writers are aware that they have taken great pains to define the "criminal type." It has been alleged that habitual criminals have a lower average cerebral capacity than others; that their foreheads are retreating, and their brain developed posteriorly; that their lower jaws are strongly pronounced and their ears frequently deformed; their hair thick and coarse, but their beard scanty; and so on. Such was the "criminel né" of the French, the "uomo delinquente" of the Italians. But the Brussels Congress may be said to have upset all this interesting theory. Dr. Tarnovski of St. Petersburg and Dr. Naecke, from a very wide collation of observations, denied any special physical peculiarity in criminals, either male or female.
The tendency of all the leading speakers was to look upon crime as the result of psychical and social rather than physical peculiarities. It is true that physical abnormalities are more frequent in the criminal class, but there is no constant relation between any one of them and crime. Very many criminals have an inherited tendency to some form of mental alienation; many others owe their character to purely personal and social influences of a deleterious character. Society is far more to blame for their existence than has hitherto been acknowledged; and if the tide of crime is to be stayed, we must have recourse to sounder moral instruction, more judicious systems of legal procedure, and an improved doctrine of punishment. This is the important practical lesson taught by the Brussels Congress.
The next Congress was fixed for 1896, in Geneva.
Shape of Sclavic Skulls.
In connection with the article on this subject contributed to Science, Oct. 28, by Dr. John Beddoe, I may refer to the measurements of Czech skulls, from villages of pure blood in Bohemia, by Dr. L. Niederle, published in the June issue of the Mittheil. der Anthrop. Gesell. in Wien. He found them decidedly brachycephalic, averaging about 85. the skulls of women being more so than those of the males. They were also leptoprosopic, mesorhinic, and hypsicephalic. These peculiarities correspond closely to those noticed in the living population of Bohemia, especially where of pure Sclavic blood. Most of the school-children are broad-headed, more markedly so than the adults. They lose in a measure this trait on growing to adult years. The dolichoid form is distinctly more frequent and pronounced in living men than in women, even in the same village and of the same family.
Linguistic Affinities of the Ancient Coptic.
In a memoir prepared for the tenth session of the International Congress of Orientalists, Dr. Carl Abel presents a summary of the evidence which he has been industriously collecting for years to prove the etymological relationship of the language of ancient Egypt with the Indo-European stock. It is an extremely intricate subject, and to many his methods will appear strange, and at first sight repellant. He claims, for instance, that a primitive radical often has two meanings which are the precise opposites of
each other, as "good" and "bad," or "white" and "black." Again, that such a radical was frequently reversed in its sounds, for example, that rak and kar are the same word, the one being read and originally pronounced backwards, but both are to be construed as the same root. He also presents a series of substitutions in sounds, one organ occasionally taking the place of another in utterance, according to definable laws.
These novelties to old-fashioned students of Aryan and Semitic tongues have not aided to make his views popular; but they have been accepted by such distinguished scholars as Professor Maspero of Paris, Professor Harlez of Brussels, and Professor Sayce of Oxford, as throwing a new and valuable light on the phonetic laws of ancient Coptic. If European scholars would study more diligently the aboriginal tongues of America, they would learn that all these, and various other linguistic processes of which they seem to have very faint comprehension, are part and parcel of the natural development of buman speech.
Pre-Columbian Migrations in America.
In the October number of the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, Judge E. F. Im Thurn has an instructive article on British Guiana, giving much fresh information about the economical conditions and gold-diggings there. At its close, he speaks of the native population, and indulges in some speculations as to the origin of the Caribs and Arawacks, who at the time of the discovery inhabited the West Indian archipelago and the northern shores of South America. He maintains that both these nations migrated from the northern continent, following the chain of islands till they reached the southern mainland, where the Caribs located to the east of the mouth of the Orinoco and the Arawacks to the west. The Warraus he believes to have been the antecedent occupants of the region.
As Mr. Im Thurn has written much and well on the Indians of Guiana, I feel called upon to state that there are no facts which justify the theory here advanced, and that every evidence points unequivocally in the opposite direction. Both Caribs and Arawacks unquestionably came from the interior of the South American continent and moved northward, the Arawacks reaching as far as the Bahamas, where Columbus found them, while the Caribs had no permanent villages north of Jamaica. The researches of von den Steinen, Adam, Ehrenreich, and others have settled this beyond reasonable doubt. All the inhabitants of Cuba were Arawacks, but had come from the south. Not a trace of either Carib or Arawack dialects occurs in North America, but they can be found southward to the Rio de la Plata.
Civilization as Influenced by Race.
The perspicuous writer, M. Gustave Le Bon, has an interesting article in the Revue Scientifique for October, on the evolution of civilization and the arts as influenced by race. His thesis is that what we call civilization is the expression of certain modes of thought and feeling peculiar to each race; that one race can never thoroughly assimilate the civilization of another; and that the evolution of culture never follows parallel lines in the different races, one developing one element, another diverse elements. This is especially true of arts and religions, these bearing in their evolution little proportion to the remaining momenta of culture. A lower race, he maintains, cannot derive much of real utility to itself from another of considerably higher civilization; and, in general, whatever a race thus borrows, it transforms to suit its own individuality and racial psychology, so that little of the original is left.
These opinions he supports by an examination of the traits of the world religions in different races. Islam in India is no longer monotheistic, but as polytheistic as Brahmanism; so is Christianity among Indo-Germanic peoples; marabouts, saints, virgins, and incarnations of deity are worshipped, not at all the one God of the original Semitic cult. In a similar manner government, institutions, and arts are sure to be transformed by the racial mind, acting unconsciously, and adapted to its peculiarities. He concludes that the effort to force European civilization upon the lower races, unless in a much modified form, is vain and hopeless.
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ORIGIN OF VOLITION IN CHILDHOOD.1
BY J. MARK BALDWIN.
IN earlier articles of this series I have endeavored to trace the development of the child's active life up to the rise of volition. The transition from the involuntary class of muscular reactions to which the general word "suggestion" applies, to the performance of actions foreseen and intended occurs, as I have before intimated, through the persistence and repetition of imitative suggestions. The distinction between simple imitation and persistent imitation has already been made and illustrated in an earlier article. will
Now, in saying that volition-the conscious phenomenon of arises historically on the basis of persistent imitation, what I mean is this: that the child's first exhibition of will is its repeated effort to imitate movements seen and noises heard.
An adequate analysis of will with reference to the fiat of volition reveals three great factors for which a theory of the origin of this function must provide. These three elements of the voluntary process are desire, deliberation, and effort. Desire is distinguished from impulse by its intellectual quality, i. e., the fact that it always has reference to a presentation or pictured object. Organic impulses may pass into desires, when their objects become conscious. Further, desire implies lack of satisfaction of the impulse on which it rests a degree of inhibition, thwarting, unfulfilment. Put more generally, these two characteristics of desire are: (1) a pictured object suggesting a satisfaction which it does not give, and (2) an incipient motor reaction which the imaged object stimulates but does not discharge.'
The first clear cases of desire-as thus understood in the life of the child are seen in the movements of its hands in grasping after objects seen. As soon as there is clear visual presentation of objects we find impulsive muscular reactions directed toward them, at first in an excessively crude fashion, but becoming rapidly refined. These movements are free and uninhibited simple sensori-motor suggestive reactions. But I find, in experiments with my children, that the vain grasping at distant objects,
1 The theory of the rise of volition here announced was presented in detail at the International Congress for Experimental Psychology which met in London in August; a full abstract is to be found in the Proceedings of the Congress. The entire paper with further elaboration is to appear in an early issue of Brain (London).
2" Suggestion in Infancy," Science, Feb. 27, 1891; "Infants' Movements," Science, Jan. 8, 1892.
3 Cf. my "Handbook of Psychology," Vol. II., Chap. XIV., § 2, for a fuller development.
which prevailed up to about the sixth month, tended to disappear rapidly in the two subsequent months - just about the time of the rise of imitation. During the eighth month, my child, H., would not grasp at highly-colored objects more than sixteen inches distant, her reaching distance being ten to twelve inches.* This training of impulse is evidently an association of muscular (arm) sensations with visual experiences of distance. gested reaction becomes inhibited in a growing degree by a counteracting nervous process; and here are the conditions necessary to the rise of desire. It is safe, therefore, I think, to say, that desire takes its rise in visual suggestion and develops under its lead.
The two further requisites to the process of volition are deliberation and effort. The word "deliberation" characterizes the content of consciousness, and may be best described as a state of polyideism, or relatively unreduced plurality of presentations, with a corresponding plurality of motor tendencies (motives). The feeling of effort seems to accompany the passage of consciousness into a monoideistic state after deliberation. It arises just when an end is put to the motor plurality by synthesis or co-ordination. Deliberation may exist without effort, as is seen in deliberative suggestion already described and in pathological aboulia, in which a man is a prey to un-coordinated impulses.
Now these further conditions of the rise of will are present first in childhood in persistent imitation, the try-try-again experience. In the pre-imitative period, the so-called efforts of infants are suggestive reflexes. My child, E., strained to lift her head in the second month when any one entered the room; and in her fourth month, after being lifted by the clasping of both her hands around her mother's fingers, the mere sight of fingers extended before her made her grasp at them and attempt to raise herself. Such cases - on which many writers rely, e.g., Preyer-fall easily under sensori-motor suggestion as it borders on physiological habit. The nearest it comes to will is that it may involve faint glimmerings of desire, but it certainly lacks all deliberation. Further, simple imitation, as has already been said, can be readily accounted for without any appeal to deliberation or effort and even without an appeal to desire.
In persistent imitation we have an advance on simple imitation in two ways: (1) A comparison of the first result produced by the child (movement, sound) with the suggesting image or "copy" imitated, i. e., deliberation. This gives rise to the state of dissatisfaction, motor restlessness, which is desire, best described as "will-stimulus;" (2) the outburst of this complex motor condition in a new reaction, accompanied in consciousness by the attainment of a monoideistic state (end) and the feeling of effort. Here, then, in persistent imitation we have, thus briefly put, the necessary elements of the voluntary psychosis for the first time present.
The reason that in imitation the material for will is found is seen to be that here the "circular process" already described maintains itself. In reactions which are not imitative (for exam ple, an ordinary pain-movement reaction) this circular process, whereby the result of the first movement becomes itself a stimulus to the second, etc., is not brought about; or, if it do arise, it consists simply in a repetition of the same motor event fixed by association as the repetition of the ma sound so common with very young infants. Consciousness remains monoideistic. But in imitation the reaction performed comes in by eye or ear as a new and different stimulus; here is the state of motor polyideism necessary for the supervention of the feeling of effort.
From this and other lines of evidence, we are able to see more clearly the conditions under which effort arises. It seems clear that (1) the muscular sensations arising from a suggestive reaction do not present all the conditions; in young children, just as in habitual adult performances, muscular sensations simply give a repetition of the muscular event. The kinæsthetic centre empties into a lower motor centre in some such way as that described by James (Psychology, II., p. 582) along the diagonal line mc, mp in
See Science, XVI., 1890, p. 247.
5 Other evidence is (a) a research on students, called "Persistent Imitation Experiment," and (b) evidence from the pathology of speech; for both of which see the detailed article to appear in Brain.
the motor square" diagram given below (Fig. 1). This is also true when (2) sensations of the "remote" kinæsthetic order (the sight or hearing of movements made) are added to the muscular sensations. They may all coalesce to produce again a repetition of the original reaction. The remote" and "immediate " sources of motor stimulation reinforce each other. This is seen in a child's satisfied repetition of its own mistakes in speaking and drawing, where it hears and sees its own performances. Con
sequently (3) there is muscular effort only when the "copy" persists and is compared with the result of the first reaction; that is. on the physical side, when the two processes started by the "copy" and the reactive result reach the higher co-ordinating centre together. The stimulus to repeated effort arises from the lack of co-ordination or identity in the different stimulations which reach the centre of co-ordination simultaneously. The mental outcome, effort, accompanies the motor outburst of these combined in
the eye or ear, finds no outlet except that already utilized in the first discharge; hence it passes off in the way of a repetition of this discharge. See Fig. 1.
In persistent imitation the first reaction is not repeated. Hence we must suppose the development, in a new centre, of a function of co-ordination by which the two regions excited respectively by the original suggestion and the reported reaction coalesce in a common more voluminous and intense stimulation of the motor centre. A movement is thus produced which, by reason of its greater mass and diffusion, includes more of the elements of the "copy." This is again reported by eye or ear, giving a "remote" excitement, which is again co-ordinated with the original stimulation and with the after effects of the earlier imitations. The result is yet another motor stimulation, or effort, of still greater mass and diffusion, which includes yet more elements of the 'copy." And so on, until simply by its increased mass - by the greater range and variety of the motor elements enervated the "copy" is completely reproduced. The effort thus succeeds. See Fig. 2.
When muscular effort thus succeeds by the simple fact of increased mass and diffusion of reaction, the useless elements fall away because they have no emphasis. The desired motor elements are reinforced by their agreement with the "copy," by the dwelling of attention upon them, by the pleasure which accompanies success. In short, the law of survival of the fittest by natural, or, in this case, physiological, selection assures the persistence of the reaction thus gained by effort.
This theory of the physical process underlying volition is not open to the objections commonly urged against earlier views. How can we conceive the relation of mind and body? The alternatives heretofore current are three: either the mind interferes with brain processes, or it directs brain processes, or it does nothing these are the three. Now, on the view here presented, none of these is true. The function of the mind is simply to have a persistent presentation a suggestion, a "copy." The law of sensori-motor reaction does the rest. The muscles reflect the influence of the central excitement; this creates more excitement, which the muscles again reflect; and so on until, by the law of lavish outlay, which nature so often employs, the requisite muscular combination is secured' and persists.
Further, a direct examination of the infant's earliest voluntary movements shows the growth in mass, diffusion, and lack of precision which this theory requires. In writing, the young child uses hand, then hand and arm, then hand, arm, tongue, face, and finally his whole body. In speaking, also, he "mouths" his sounds, screws his tongue and hands, etc. And he only gets his movements reduced to order after they have become by effort massive and diffuse. I find no support whatever, in the children themselves, for the current view of psychologists, i.e., that voluntary combinations are gradually built up by adding muscle to muscle and group to group. This is true only after each of these elements has itself become voluntary. Such a view implies that the infant at this stage knows that he uses his muscles, which is false; knows which muscles he has learned to use, which is also false; and is able to avail himself of muscles which he has not learned to use, which is equally false not to allude to the fact that it leaves suspended in mid-air the problem as to how the new combination intended gets itself realized in the muscles.
It is evident, also, that in accounting for the earliest voluntary movements as cases of persistent imitative suggestion, we are making the presentation which constitutes the "copy" a thing imported into consciousness, a "suggested" thing which is imposed upon the infant by the necessities of its receptive nature. And so it is. Whether and how the mind ever gets away from this chain of suggestions or copies," selects its own "copy" or end, and secures by its own choice the persistence of it - this is the question of voluntary attention. Its consideration would lead us too far afield from our present topic, the babies.
1 This application of the principle of "natural selection" to muscular movement is so simple a solution of this crucial problem that I fear I must have overlooked some suggestion of it in the literature of the subject. At any rate, the tracing of it in the phenomena of imitative suggestion has not occurred elsewhere. As a general hyp thesis, however, it is independent of the question as to whether muscular effort is first found in imitation.