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must therefore rank him with the "enlightened" maltitude whom I have already found to be wonderfully edified by that performance, merely because they had not found leifure to inveftigate its merits.

The direct object of "Common Senfe," if I understand him right, is to prove that the diftreffes of the country arife principally from the occupation of extentive, indicad of fmall, farms; and this is an opinion fo prevalent, that if it be not true, it may be attended with confequences not lefs fatal to our future welfare, than our former crrors have been deftructive of our future comforts. It is importantly true, that no fully can be greater than "to create and continue an evil, for the pleasure of attempting to cure it;" and the public will be greatly indebted to your correfpondent for commencing this difcuffion, if it fhould lead to fuch, an examination of the fubject, as will make it underttood. Till it fhall be taken up by foine abler inquirer, I beg leave to fuggeft three reafons for beleving, that no part of our diftreffes arife out of the engrofling of farins.

First, because we have no fatisfactory data to determine the proportion that the number of agricultural poor of the prefent day, bears to the fame clafs of poor at the time when farms were not io engroffed; and witbout such data, there is great reafon to believe that the increafe of paupers is principally among the dependents upon commerce and manufac

tures.

Secondly, because the occupation of extenfive farms, has tended to improve agriculture, and to increase the produce of the foil.

Thirdly, becaufe fince the period when the practice of engroffing farms commenced, the manufactures and commerce of the country have encreafed to an extent that has found employment for a much greater number of perfons, than those who have been difcharged from agricultural employments.

There is one omiflion that most perfons feem to be guilty of, who form opinions relative to the poor; they do not diftinguith real, from artificial poverty; and until that diftinction become the basis of the inquiry, it is of little confequence whether we compliment ourselves as "wife itatefmann," "profound philofophers," or "patriotic fenators;" we fhall only ape the "wildom of our ancestors," whilft we create as much confufion for pofterity, as their "wifdom" has prepared for us.

MONTHLY Mac. No. 156.

I take it that there is no real poverty, but that which arifes out of the fterility of the foil, or the imperfections of nature. Artificial poverty is of two kinds, one arifes out of the injudicious arrangements of government, the other out of the vices of the people. It would be an infult to the understanding of your readers, to attempt proving that we have no complaint to make on account of fterility, or even for any temporary fcarcity connected with bad feafons. We have abundant proofs of the liberality of our refources; and the increasing extent of our granaries and our flocks, ferves to fhew that the value of our land does not diminish with the number of those who farm them. The poverty of which we complain then is wholly artificial, and our attention fhould principally be directed to afcertain what portion of it is to be attributed to the government, and what part of it the people create for themfelves.

I have in a Tract lately published, entitled "The Wants of the People, and the Means of the Government," offered a few defultory hints upon this fubject; but it would be improper in this paper to wander from the immediate inquiry as to the effects of engroffing farms. Your correfpondent has expreffed himself very clearly, when he fays, that, in confequence of one hundred and twenty farms being reduced to fixty, fixty families have been reduced to depend on the parish-rates; but is there any man of reflection in the kingdom, who does not fee that this is a mere fophifm? If fixty perfons out of a hundred and twenty become dependent upon their parishes, it is because the other fixty have found means to do the work of a hundred and twenty; and it is to the dexterity and fkill which contrives to cultivate the foil with half the number of hands, that they must attribute their poverty. This is the only rational mode of accounting for it; for if the difpoffef fion of their farms were the only change in all the relative circumftances, the fimple amount of the mifchief would be, that one man poffeffed of fixty farms, with his family, would be added to the population of a fpot in addition to the former inhabitants, whilft the fixty occupants of his farm would be reduced to live as labourers, inftead of farmers. Now fuppofing the condition of the labourers of the diftrict to have been precifely fuch as it ought to have been prior to the change, the ejected farmers being in no worle fituation than their own labourers had been in, when they worked with them as fuperiors

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fuperiors instead of equals, can be under no neceffity for becoming burdenfome to parishes.

The fuppofition of "Common Senfe," that of uniting two farms into one, inftead of a hundred and twenty into two, renders the evil still lefs; for if each farmer was fully occupied before in attending his one hundred and ten acres, he cannot now attend his two hundred and twenty, without availing himfelf in fome shape or other of the fervice of his ejected neighbour; and then upon what pretence can that neighbour become burdenfome to the parish? It is evident that the fimple engroffinent of farms has no tendency to encreafe paupers, and that the diftreffes of the people are to be attributed to fome other caufe.

This caufe may be faintly traced in the Narrative of "Common Senfe's," "Intelligent Farmer," where he reprefents one man "who already manages five hundred acres by means of a fingle fhepherd," and another man "already poffeffed of nine farms, yet taking fix other farms," to divide between them; for, if thefe five hundred acres had continued divided into four farms, there must have been four thepherds employed, as one fhepherd could not have ferved four matters; and therefore, four men would have found employment infiead of one. Now, with fubmiffion to "Common Senfe," I beg leave to fuggeft, that the real caufe of his complaint is not against the engroffment of farms, but against the fkill and improvements which have devised the means of diminishing labour. To regard this change as an evil, would, however, evince a want of diligence highly culpable in any perfon defirous of forming a correct opinion upon the fubject. Labour is in itfelf an evil, and the very firft article in the Chriftian religion teaches us to regard it as fuch; "Because thou haft done this, in the fweat of thy brow fhalt thou eat bread." To dimiaith labour, therefore, is a pofitive good; and if it be made productive of mifchievous confequences, it is becaufe we have adopted an erroneous mode of appropriating the advantages we acquire.

Suppofe the pofition of "Common Senfe," were incontrovertibly proved, that "our definite extenfion of foil furnishes employment and independence to not more than half the number of perfons, which it did twenty years ago, and that this number is annually diminishing," it gives no rational caufe for the increafe of poverty, unless it be proved at the fame

time, that the foil cultivated, has been lefs productive in confequence. If fuch a polition fhould be advanced, I should be glad to learn the grounds upon which it might be maintained; but if it should appear that there is no reafon for fuch an opinion, it will be proved beyond all kind of doubt, that the confolidation of farms is advantageous, rather than injurious, by railing an equal quantity of produce with half the labour, and confequently at much lefs expence.

The evil arifing from the diminution of agricultural labourers, is again met by the increafed quantity of labour, demanded for manufacturing and commercial purpofes, which has engaged a number equal to that of the cultivators difcharged; and this circumftance peremptorily calls upon every perfon, to inquire, whether the manufacturing and commercial paupers be not much more numerous than the agricultural paupers, before he gives a decifive opinion upon this fubject.

To the inquiry fuggefted by your correfpondent, there can be no objection; the Houfe of Commons would be as innocently employed in catering for the facts, that he is defirous of knowing, as it most likely will be in any other way; but I cannot fee the neceflity for it, becaufe, it is already notorious enough, that the nutnber of farmers has very greatly decreased within thefe twenty years, and we have not only an admillion of the fact, but an illuftration of its confequences, in the improvement of Sir John Sinclair's eftate in the north of Scotland. That eminent agriculturift, to whom the country is under inexpreffible obligations, ftates, that he was defirous of increafing a flock of five hundred ewes, by various annual augmentations, until it fhould amount to ten thoufand; and for this, and other purposes, he found it neceffary to enlarge the farm he already held, to twenty-five thousand acres. This defign was oppofed by the circumftance of the land being occupied by eighty farmers, whom it became neceffary to difpotiefs. They were however ejected, and with their families, to the number of five hundred, were obliged to fubmit to quit their habitations. Here then is an inconve nience to eighty families, but what are the effects upon the public? Why, that, instead of an “inconfiderable number of cattle and a few red deer," that were raifed by thefe finall farmers, and which fupplied them with a bare fubfistence, the proprietor was enabled to produce food for a population fo great, that, to in

duce

duce them to come and eat it, he builds a new town, that they may be ready upon the spot. "Wherever a number of inhabitants are collected together," fays the patriotic baronet, "they become a market for the agricultural productions of the neighbourhood, which, of courfe, increafes the demand." From this confideration he was induced to build the new

town of Thurfo on his own eftate, which he fays, "on account of the cheapnefs of provitions," added to certain "other conveniencies, muit induce perfons of moincomes to fettle there." In this trance the ejected farmers were not in jured, for the proprietor had occation for all their fervices in his extenfive improvemeitts, and, to attach them to his employ, built each family a cottage, to which he annexed a garden and two Scotch acres of land. The increase of agricultural produce gave spirit to the general improvements, and the confequence was, that employment was found for a great number of other labourers, who were invited to come and people the new colony. Whether the inhabitants of this fettlement be affluent, or indigent, I do not know; but I will venture to affirm, that if there be the flighteft tendency to pauperism among them, it does not refult from the engroffient of the farm. Whilft, however, I differ with "Com.non Senfe," as to the cause of the evil, I am painfully obliged to acknowledge at once its exiftence and its magnitude; and I with I did not at the fame time fee reafon to fear, that it will rather increase than diminith, unlefs we take a much more enlarged view, than any perfons feem, at prefent, difpofed to take of the fubject.

This paper is already too long to warrant my going into my own opinions upon the evil; yet I thould not be dealing fairly by your correfpondent, if I were to content myfelf with merely contradicting him. It is an affair in which we are all interested, and the poorer we are, the greater our intereft is. Every degree of franknefs thould therefore be encouraged that has a tendency to diffipate the confufion, in which difcuffions upon the pauper fyftem have hitherto been involved. Should this introduction to the fubject meet a favourable reception, I will in a future paper endeavour to prove, that though the vices of the people, and the injudicious arrangements of government, both inftrumentally tend to create a great number of paupers, the true caufe as well of the pauperifm complained of, as of the fyftem by which its evils are at

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the paper communicated by me in the late Monthly Magazine, page 235, under the title of "Prepofitions are merely used to avoid quejlions likely to be put for the fake of obtaining circumftantial statements," (and which is only a small part of a very interefting correfpondence, on the mechanifm of language, with which I have been favoured by the author of the "Evenings of Southill,”) there is an important omiffion, occationed probably, by hafte in tranfcribing, which I am very defirous thould be fupplied as foon as poffible.

The purport of that paper, is to explain, how the prepofition by, placed before any of the reflective pronouns, as by myself, is used to denote exclufion, in regard to all other individuals not mentioned, and that it may fometimes not only denote erclufion, but ftand fo: near : thus, by myjelf, may mean near myself. The former of thefe fignifications is fully explained in the paper in question, but the latter is not even alluded to, owing to the omiffion of the following paragraph;

"The reader of the Evenings of Southill' is to recollect that I only profelled to investigate every one of the examples which Dr. Johnfon adduced to his feveral divifions of by. I have, however, in the pages of the investigation, introduced here and there fome examples on circumftances which the Doctor had not noticed. The divifion 6 (Evenings of Southill, p. 80) and the examples adduced, would fufficiently fhew, that the fort of by, therein elucidated, might introduce a pronoun of the clafs, generally confidered as reflective, such as myself, ourselves, &c. as well as any other pronoun or any noun: but, as not one of the paffages, quoted, prefents any of thofe pronouns generally called reflective, I am going to difcufs an example of the kind. Let us confider this combination of words, "Come and fit by myself," with an emphafis upon myfelf, instead of, "Come and 1 by me," with an emphafis upon me." I fhall con

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fider either of the two conftructions as ufed to one or feveral, by a person, who withes the fitting not to be near or by fome other perfon in the company, but to be by or near him in preference to any one elle. On the leaft reflection, it will be evident, that, in by myself or by me, the word by is, as to value, different from the by which I have difcuffed before, and that by myself is fomething more than a redundant expreffion, however emphatically uttered, in regard to myself, by the perion. It is evident alfo that myself is not here a reflective pronoun, and yet it excludes every one, who is not the perfon that utters the above combination of words. Indeed, if the perfon had faid: "Come and fit by THAT TABLE," (pointing to it) every place not about that table would have been excluded, fince I have proved, (fee Monthly Magazine, p. 236) that every fort of prepolition may introduce a noun or pronoun to be viewed, as excluding all individuals, that are not reprefented by that noun or pronoun." Confidering the detached form in which the above paragraph appears; it seems proper to add a few explanatory remarks. In the first place it thould be obferved, that it was Dr. Johnfon who confidered by myself, &c. as excluding every other individual; but the author of the Evenings of Southill has given to that fort of by the value of affociate, and, anticipating objections to this meaning, is defirous of removing them. It may be afked, how, in the phrafe, I jhall dine by myself, myself can be confidered as an affociate to I. This objection is easily removed by the author's grand principle, "Prepofitions are merely ufed to avoid questions likely to be put for the fake of obtaining circumftantial ftatements." Now, after having faid, I fhall dine, if any perfon were to ask me with whom? I, having no companion or affociate, fhould be forced to reply nobody, or I alone. Therefore, as by myfelf is equal to I alone, it follows of courfe,

by myself is prefented as an

affociate, fince by may mean proximity of place, and by myself, may tand for near myself, which does not feem to imply exclufion. This objection is alfo removed by the grand principle already mentioned; for it proves, that in the phrafe Come and fit by myself, every individual not myfelf would be excluded in regard to the manner in which I requested him to come and fit; and, at the fame time, it fhews that Dr. Johnfon had attributed to by alone a force of exclufion, to which every prepofition was really entitled. And indeed, if any perfon fhould remain filent, after faying Come and fit, he would be atked, where? or, how? and his anfwer would probably be, here or there, (pointing to the place); or he would reply, by me or by myself, near me or near myself, &c.

To conclude, it must be granted, I think, that my friend Salmon was the firft who discovered the principle, that whatever is, in a sentence, prefented as governed by one and the fame prepofition, actually excludes every individual not mentioned as an affociate. And, I truft, it will alfo be allowed that he is free from the blame which attaches to Dr. Johnfou and other philologifts, for having imagined that by, and all other prepofitions, had not always the power of excluding from their adjunts, all the individuals not implied in the adjuncts themselves. Epping, 1807.

J. PAYNE.

For the Monthly Magazine. JOURNAL of a VOYAGE performed in the

INDIAN SEAS, to MADRAS, BENGAL, CHINA, &c., &c., in HIS MAJESTY'S SHIP CAROLINE, in theYEARS 1803-4-5, interfperfed with Jhort DESCRIPTIVE SKETCHES of the PRESENT STATE of the principal SETTLEMENTS of the INDIA

COMPANY.

Communicated to the MONTHLY MAGAZINE by an OFFICER of that sure.

E ttarted from Malacca on the

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becomes a fort of negative affociate, or no affociate at all, merely becaufe myfelf means here the very individual already reprefented by I, and is introduced in the very place where a real affociate inight have been mentioned; having with for its prefix, as would be the cafe in the phrafe I fhall dine with my brother, infter d of, I fhall dine by myself.

It may also be objected, that in fuch a combination of words as by myself, &c. the prepofition by is not always equal to

courfe for the fitraits of Sincapore, where we arrived in two days with a light and pleafant breeze; we came to an anchor in the middle of thefe ftraits for the purpofe of collecting the convoy, a part of which we had left behind at Malacca, to repair the damages they had received in the traits by lightning.

The ftraits of Sincapore are formed by a cluster of innumerable little illauds, lying off the moft fouthern part of the Malay peninfula. They are coverered

with

with woods, have a great variety in their hapes, and indented on all fides with pleafant litttle bays and fandy coves, where the fineft turtle is found in great plenty. The paffage between thefe islands is in fome places fo narrow that we might have almoft chucked a bifcuit on fhore; yet the water was deep, clear, and finooth as velvet. There can fcarcely be a more beautiful picture, than the fight of a fleet of hips winding through this romantic group of islands. The natives came off in their canoes laden with turtle, fome of which weighed three or four hundred pounds, and these they fold for a dollar or two a-piece; we of courfe had alderman's fare every day while we continued in thefe traits.

At length having got the thips all together (ou the 22d), we hurried away, fearing that the north-eaft monfoon might fet in, or at least that we might be baffled between the two monfoons.

The next day paffed to the northward of Pedra Branca, a rock lying off point Romania, and fo called by the Portuguese, on account of its being covered with the white excrements of birds; it has fome refemblance to the Bafs rock in the Firth or Forth. Here the Chinese

feas commence, and fhips generally take a departure from this rock, or point Romania, when proceeding to China.

Next day (twenty-fourth of September) paffed Pulo Aore and Pulo Timon, two idlands lying in 101° of eat longitude, and of confiderable height; at this place we expected to fall in with Linois, when we would have furprized him a little with the force we now had (a feventy-four, a fifty-gun fhip, two frigates, and a floop of war): as there were no appearances, however, of an enemy, the line of battle fhip here took leave of us, and returned to India.

We this day loft fight of land, and fteered for China with a pleafant breeze and compact convoy; the weather continued uncommonly fine for the next five days, when we made Pulo Sapata, a very fingular rock ftanding up like a pillar in the middle of the Chinefe feas; it is perpendicular all round, and white like Dover cliffs, with innumerable flocks of birds hovering round it, and feems as if placed here by Providence as a mark to guide mariners through thofe feas, where fo many hidden dangers abound.

Hitherto we had been failing on velvet, and with winds much more favourable than we had reason to expect at this late period of the fouth-weft monfoon: the

fcene, however, now began to fhift, and our mifery to commence.

On the 2d of October, the iky affumed a very unufual appearance; the tkirts of the horizon feemed as if they were tinged with blood; the black portentous clouds that hung over us, looked as if surcharged with electric fluid, and ready every inftant to burst on our heads!

In the evening the lightning gleamed with fuch vivid flathes through the air, that it was painful to look around; ftill, however unaccompanied with thunder. The rain now began to pour down in fuch torrents, that it actually appeared to be precipitated from the heavens en musse, deluging every part of the fhip:"Mean time in fable cin&ture, fhadows vaft, Deep ting'd and damp, and congregated clouds, And all the vapory turbulence of heaven, Involve the face of things."

It had now continued calm for fome

hours, but foon the gale commenced; and lafted, with fome interruptions and various alterations, for four fucceffive days. The wind was firft from the westward, but in the course of the typhoon it blew from every point of the compass! As it was, however, generally in our favour, we feudded great part of the time, and of courfe made a moit rapid progrefs:

It is impoffible to defcribe the unpleafantnefs (I may fay mifery) of our situation during this period. The first twentyfour hours of the gale demolished tables, chairs, crockery-ware, and almost every cooking utentil we had on board, fo that we could fcarce get as much fuitenance as would keep foul and body together!

To add to our comforts, we had generaily a quantity of water washing about our legs in the gun-room; while the feams of the fhip (coming from a hot country) were fo open, that the water came pouring down through the decks on cur heads!

The frequent fhifting of the wind raifed fuch a crofs tumultuous fea, that it broke over us in all directions, caufing the fhip to labour with undefcribable violence

"Through the black night that fits immenfe around,

Lash'd into foam, the fierce conflicting brine Seems o'er a thoufand raging waves to burn! Mean-time the mountain billows to the clouds

In dreadful tumult fwell'd, furge above furge,

Burst into chaos with tremendous roar !"

On the 4th, we experienced a confiderable intermiffion of the gale, and to

wards

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