But all this was followed by a more numerous deportation of Israelites into Egypt. As we have already narrated, when Ptolemy Lagus was obliged to abandon the possession of Judea to Syria, he carried with him into his own country one hundred thousand Jews. It must be admitted that these were not located together in one district in Egypt. It is said that nearly thirty thousand were distributed to replenish his garrisons, and that many of the others were sent into Libya and Cyrene, (JOSEPHUS Contra Apion. lib. i.,) which he had recently subdued. This latter colony became so populous, that one hundred thousand of them are said to have been put to death for an insurrection in the time of Vespasian. And yet Xiphilinus tells us, in his Life of Trajan, that in the following reign they were able to master the whole province, and to massacre two hundred thousand of other nations. ("Ancient Universal History," vol. iii. p. 28, note.)

There can be little doubt that the great number of Jews who lived in Egypt, (the number of Jewish captives at this time were said to be one hundred thousand, PRIDEAUX's "Connexion,” vol. ii. p. 2,) and the peculiarity of their religious manners and worship, were among the proximate causes of the Septuagint translation. As Ptolemy granted to the Jews all the privileges they enjoyed under Alexander, their religion and history would inevitably attract attention from the great and learned, and induce a desire for a knowledge of their sacred books. This sovereign appears to have attached great importance to the increase of his Jewish subjects: he therefore "showed such kindness to those Jews that came to settle in Egypt, that great numbers of them, being attracted, partly by the fertility of the country, and partly by the great privileges they enjoyed, flocked thither from other parts." (Ibid. p. 27.) This was particularly the case during the Syrian persecution and its consequent calamities.

In the reign of Ptolemy Philometer, an opportunity offered (by which he rendered himself as great a benefactor of the Jews in Egypt, as his predecessor had been) of giving them the sacred books in the Greek language. Onias, the son of Onias III., and legitimate heir of the high priesthood, having been excluded from that dignity, first by the intrigues of his relatives, and afterward because Lysias had succeeded in persuading the Syrian king that there was a necessity for bestowing this high office upon one who was not of the pontifical family; took refuge in Egypt. ("Ancient Universal History," vol. iii. p. 80: consult BLAIR on the Canon, p. 34.) We have in his case an ample proof of the favour with which Hebrews, especially those of distinction, were received in that kingdom. But this was not the extent to which Jews were at that time tolerated and encouraged in Egypt; for Onias, displaying considerable capacity, was employed by the king in several important military affairs, which he so successfully conducted, that he was advanced to the highest dignity, both in the army and in the court; and he having formed an acquaintance with another talented Israelite, who was introduced by him into an important official situation, these two Hebrews had the chief direction of Egyptian affairs. It appears, however, that all this dignity and power did not prevent Onias from thinking of the vocation to which his first attention had been directed. Having learned how desirous the king was to increase the number of his Jewish subjects, Onias informed him, that if he would comply with his request, he would induce the great body of the Jews to come and

settle under his government. (JOSEPHUS De Bell. Judaic. lib. vii. cap. x. sect. 3.)

The monarch having expressed his willingness to meet his views as far as possible, Onias petitioned for leave to erect a temple similar to that in Jerusalem, and a city similar to that city. (Ibid. lib. i. cap. i. sect. i.) His petition, which is preserved by Josephus, (" Antiquities,” book xiii. chap. iii. sect. 3,) bases his request upon the services which he had rendered to the state, and requests that he might have leave to carry his purpose into effect at a place called Heliopolis, near Memphis. But as it was a universally-recognised element of Jewish religion, that the temple of Jerusalem was the divinely-appointed place of worship for all the Hebrew people, Onias thought it necessary to satisfy the king that his project was not opposed to the teaching of the Jewish scriptures, as in that case, instead of being popular, the measure would rather alienate the people than conciliate them. He was, however, not only able to obviate this difficulty, but to quote the authority of the Jewish scriptures in support of his project. For this purpose the ex-priest referred to a passage in the prophecy of Isaiah, (chap. xix. 18,) which, according to his showing, actually predicted the very erection at which he was aiming.

Having obtained the requisite authority from the king, Onias built the city and the temple, and became its priest. The subordinate priests were all selected from the family of Aaron, Levites were appointed to attend to the sacred services, and the temple became famous as a place where the Mosaic ritual was celebrated in the Greek language.

B, page 647.-The Samaritans.

THE Samaritans, as has been already intimated, were descended from that mixed multitude of people which Shalmanezer king of Assyria sent from Cuthah, Ava, and other places of his dominions, to occupy the country which had formed part of the kingdom of Israel, when he carried its population captive into Assyria. At first they appear to have been wholly idolatrous; but being greatly injured by wild beasts, it was supposed (in accordance with a Heathen notion, that certain districts were under the special government of particular deities) that the scourge arose from the practice of this idolatry: and in this particular case holy scripture appears to sanction the opinion. A priest was therefore sent from among the captives, to teach the people "the manner of the God of the land." When he came, he taught them "how they should fear the Lord." But whether he was unfaithful, or they disobedient, this teaching did not prevent them from continuing to worship their idols; for "they feared the Lord, and served their own gods." (2 Kings xvii. 24-34.)

On the return of the Jews from captivity, under the favour of the Persian sovereigns, the Samaritans at first endeavoured to unite with them; but such a union having been rejected, they offered to their peace and object every opposition in their power. It will not be necessary here to refer further to their religious doctrines, or to the history of their copy of the Pentateuch: this will be done in another chapter. In the time of Nehemiah, the Samaritans had obtained considerable status and power; and from the sacred narrative it would appear that the protection of the imperial court alone saved the Jews from suffering

much injury from their anger. Their position was, however, greatly strengthened by the patronage which Sanballat prepared for his son-inlaw, who was grandson to the Jewish high-priest. For him the Samaritan governor built a temple upon Mount Gerizim, which was regarded ever after as the rival of that at Jerusalem. A hundred years afterwards this people had not only maintained their position; they had greatly increased in numbers and wealth; chiefly by means of the emigration of disaffected or apostate Jews, who could here enjoy greater licence than in their own country.

When Alexander besieged Tyre, preparatory to his invasion of Persia, the Samaritans were able to aid him with provisions, and to contribute eight thousand men to his army. When, however, they found that this great warrior did not bestow on them such favours as he had given to their rivals the Jews, some of them set fire to the house of Andronicus, whom Alexander had made governor of their city, and he perished in the flames. This so enraged the Macedonian, that, although the other Samaritans delivered up the offenders to him, he expelled them from their city, and placed Greeks there in their stead. It was after this that the Samaritans occupied Shechem, which was henceforth their capital.

Yet, notwithstanding these reverses, this people possessed sufficient power to harass the Jews. During the government of Onias II. (B.C. 250) we are informed that "the Samaritans were in a very flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves." (JOSEPHUS'S "Antiquities," book xii. chap. iv. sect. 1. Compare " Ancient Universal History," vol. iii. p. 43.) This state of things appears to have continued throughout the pontificate of this priest, probably thirty years at least.

We have no connected account of this people during the succeeding ages; but the fragments of information which have come down to us, prove that they avoided some of the most severe troubles with which the Jews were afflicted. When, for instance, Antiochus was prosecuting his insane crusade against the worship of Jehovah, and for the establishment of Grecian idolatry, the Samaritans, instead of making common cause with the Jews, who were thus far their co-religionists, did not even join them in protest, or support the cause of truth by petition, against the decrees of the tyrant: on the contrary, they appear to have fallen into his views with avidity, preferring the abandonment of their religious principles, in the hope of securing the idolatrous king's favour, and of casting additional odium on the Jews, who manfully resisted this intolerant and persecuting measure. Hence we are told, that the Samaritans "sent a deputation to him, setting forth, that though they had hitherto conformed to many of the Jewish superstitions, in imitation of their forefathers, who had been persuaded to it for their own safety, yet they were now ready to forsake them, and to embrace the king's religion. They added, that they had a temple on Mount Gerizim, which was dedicated to a god without a name; but begged it might thenceforth be dedicated to the Grecian Jupiter. They concluded with a petition, that as they were not of Jewish, but Sidonian, extraction, and were ready to conform in every thing to the king's will, they might not be involved in the same calamities with their wicked rivals. Antiochus readily granted their request, and dispatched a letter to Nicanor, his sub-governor there, with orders that they should be distinguished from

the Jews, and that their temple should be dedicated according to their petition." ("Ancient Universal History," vol. iii. p. 56, note.)

At this period and henceforth, to the time of Jewish independence, the people called Samaritans must be regarded, not simply as the old enemies of the Israelites, whose history we have endeavoured to sketch, but these in connexion with the Greek inhabitants of Samaria, whom Alexander had sent to occupy that city. These two communities associated appear to have constituted the Samaritans which we afterward meet with in history.

C, page 647.-Violent Party Contest of Jews and Samaritans in

Egypt.

FROM the language and conduct of Onias, as well as from his lineage, and quotation of the prophet Isaiah, it is certain that, in building the Jewish temple at Heliopolis, he closely copied the Jerusalem sanctuary. This appears to have given umbrage to the Samaritans who dwelt at Alexandria; and they loudly complained that Mount Gerizim alone was the legitimate seat of Hebrew worship. The dispute ran so high, and assumed such a public aspect, that the parties solicited the king in council to hear and decide the case, each consenting that the deputies against whose cause judgment should be given, should suffer death. The pleadings and decision, as furnished by Josephus, do not prove much as to the judgment or equity of the Egyptian council: the Samaritans, however, were defeated, and their two advocates, Sabbeus and Theodosius, capitally punished. (JOSEPHUS's "Antiquities," book xiii. chap. iii. sect. 4.)

D, page 647.-The Coins of Simon Maccabeus.

THE fact, that the Hebrews coined money immediately on their obtaining their independence, is not only curious, but important in several respects.

It is worthy of notice, as corroborative of the early and general prevalence of the opinion, which our Saviour made the basis of his argument with the Pharisees, when they asked him, "Is it lawful to give tribute unto Cæsar or not?" He then clearly urged that the coinage of money for a people was an open and indisputable proof of sovereignty. So Simon, as soon as his independence was admitted by the power to which his country had been previously subject, coined money in his own name, and bearing inscriptions which differ in their construction, but all of them refer to the deliverance of Jerusalem. Thus, some have, "Simon Prince of Israel, the first year of the deliverance (or freedom) of Israel." Others have, "Simon. For the deliverance of Jerusalem." Others, "For the deliverance of Israel. Year 1." Others, "For the deliverance of Jerusalem. Year 2." On some we read at full length, "The first year," or "third year, for the deliverance of Jerusalem," or "of Israel." Some have at full length, "The third year." The times when the several pieces were struck are thus carefully shown. These coins bear different emblematical devices: some have on one side a chalice or cup, which has been supposed to represent the vessel in which the manna was preserved; others, a branch of a tree, or the face of a building with columns; but we have no certain explanation of the

subjects to which these refer. The letters on these coins are Samaritan, not entirely of the modern Samaritan character, but of a more ancient alphabet, square, and less of a running hand than that of the manuscripts and printed books.

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But the coins of this period do not all bear the name of Simon; and this fact appears to cast light of an important character upon the attainment of Hebrew independence. Some of them, in fact the greater number, were struck for the nation in general: on them we read, "For the deliverance of Israel;" "For the deliverance of Zion," or of Jerusalem.” And it is remarkable that the coins so distinguished bear date two years prior to those which have the name of Simon: so that it seems evident that the people dared to assert their independence from the fact of their power, and that two years afterward, when the king of Syria formally relinquished his claim to the country in favour of Simon, and that high priest was recognised by the people as their prince, he coined money in his own name, and thus claimed the independent exercise of royal prerogative.