bers 7. The same group is also distinguishable in Grey's second enchorial syngraph, line 14. But as we learn, both from the Turin papyrus and from the Greek registry inscribed in that of Grey, that those seven and a half house-cubits had been measured off from a piece of ground, situate to the south of Diospolis, and extending to ten cubits, and that the remaining two and a half cubits had been purchased by a different person from Teephbis, namely one Asos; it follows that the enchorial numerical signs corresponding to 10 and 24 may be ascertained in the same way precisely as the signs corresponding to 7, the mode of determining which has been already explained. We may add that the numerical sign of viz. 1.2 is remarkable from its close approximation to the Arabic method of representing one of two equal parts. With regard to the little territory, the description of which in these title-deeds has led to so important conclusions, it appears to have been originally in the possession of no less than seven persons, whose names are duly recorded, viz. Alecis, Lubaïs, Ibaiais, Senerieus, Erieus, Senosorphibis, and Spois, or as the Turin manuscript has it, Sisois, and who sold the larger portion, or 7 cubits, to Teephbis the son of Amenathis, and the smaller portion, or 2 cubits to Asos the son of Horus. The first syngraph or title-deed of Grey refers to and describes the purchase of Teephbis; the second is exclusively confined to that of Asos; and the great Turin papyrus, so often referred to, contains an account of a litigation arising out of these very purchases, prefixed to which is a full summary in the Greek language of the contents of the titledeeds themselves. In a word, the Grey syngraphs are the actual title-deeds referred to in the litigation between Hermias and Horus; a circumstance the discovery of which forms an era in the history of Egyptian literature, and exhibits one of the most remarkable coincidences to which accident ever gave birth.

It is unnecessary to multiply examples further, and we now therefore proceed, in conformity with our plan, to give as concise a view as possible of the enchorial numerals, so far as these have been as yet discovered. The signs do not differ materially from the hieratic, but the scale is much more limited. The digits are represented as follows, viz. 1, 【 or 7:

i 2, 4; 3, or 3; 4, uy or ; 5,1; 6, or Z; 7, 2; 8, 2; 9, 3. Ten is represented by ▲, twenty by > or 5, thirty by or, forty by, fifty by or

, but from this last number to 100 the scale is blank, and none of the higher enchorial numerals have yet been discovered. With respect to the numeri dierum they differ so little from the corresponding numbers of the hieratic scale, and may be so easily recognised from those numbers, that it would be a useless waste of time to exhibit them in detail. The only peculiarities are that the digits in combination with the signs of 10 and 20 are prefixed instead of being superimposed, and that the sign of 20 is instead of the hieratic. On a form of notation so limited and imperfect, where so little has been discovered and so much remains for future research to explore, it is almost unnecessary to offer any observations. Since the time of Dr. Young, who had a peculiar talent for deciphering enchorial texts, almost no progress has been made in this department, which his sagacity first opened to the curiosity of the learned. The superior attractions of the hieroglyphic inscriptions have withdrawn the attention of the cultivators of Egyptian learning from their enchorial studies; and controversy has stepped in to interrupt the progress of those pursuits which, if persevered in, might have been productive of results more brilliant and valuable than any that have yet crowned the labours of Egyptian scholars. But it is hoped that these disturbing causes will soon cease to operate, and that, although Young be taken from us, there will not be wanting other men to follow in his footsteps, and imitate his patient spirit of inquiry, however much they may fall short of his discernment and sagacity.

With regard to the subject which has more immediately engaged our attention in this Article, it seems abundantly evident, even from the discoveries which have been already made, that civilization had made extraordinary advances in Egypt, at a period when the most renowned nations of regular history had not emerged from their primeval forests, or learned the simplest rudiments of the useful and necessary arts. This is evinced by those wonderful monuments which have outlasted the fury of five conquests, and the ravages of forty ages, but still more perhaps by the marvellous sculptures with which these monuments are covered, the pictorial inscriptions which adorn their interior, and the manuscripts which are from time to time rescued from the asphaltum of mummies, or the decomposed matter of sarcophagi. For a long tract of time, indeed, it seemed that the knowledge of these inscriptions and writings had died with those who produced them, or at least expired with the nation of whose records they were somehow believed to form part; and the learned had for ages abandoned as hope

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less all attempts to penetrate the mystery in which all things connected with ancient Egypt were to a great degree enveloped. But a lucky accident and a rare sagacity supplied the key which had been supposed to be lost for ever; and the cell of the mighty pyramid, into which no ray of light had penetrated since the last of the Pharaohs was quietly inurned," was at length opened to the scrutinizing gaze of modern curiosity. In plainer terms, the discovery of the phonetic hieroglyphic alphabet, and the determination, by a simple and obvious process, of a vast number of enchorial groups of characters, the separate values of which still remained unknown, not merely withdrew a portion of the veil which had so long concealed "the learning of the Egyptians" from our view, but at the same time furnished us with the means of extending our acquaintance with those mysteries which our predecessors so ardently desired to look into, yet were wholly unable to penetrate. Nor have these advantages been neglected or unimproved. Men of the very highest order of intellect, and not less distinguished for their acquired knowledge than their natural endowments, have enthusiastically applied their minds to the subject; and it has been our business, in the course of this Article, to exhibit some of the results to which their unwearied researches have conducted them;-results which are not more interesting in themselves, than valuable and important as displaying the germ at least, if not the actual substance, of one of the most precious gifts ever bestowed upon mankind. We have the authority of Plato, and, what is still better, the authority of facts, for believing that letters were invented in Egypt. Kadmus indeed carried them to Greece from Phoenicia; but Phoenicia itself borrowed from Egypt what it gave to Kadmus. And it would now appear that to the same source the world is really indebted for those numerical signs, called Arabic, which, next to the invention of letters, must ever be accounted one of the most fortunate, and at the same time most perfect contrivances that have ever sprung from the exercise of human ingenuity.

D hindi,

* Note by the Editor.—The Arabs themselves call their numerals Indian. Connect this with the evidence, that the religion of Egypt, and therefore probably its learning, came from India. The story of the Sepoys who prostrated themselves at the sight of the gods of Egypt, is well known. The cobra de capello or snake with an expanded head, peculiar to India, and which appears as the emblem of destructive power in the Trimurti or Indian Trinity at Elephanta, abounds as a mórtuary emblem in the tombs called Bibán ul Muluk near Thebes, and in the temple at Dendera. The object on the heads of human figures, which might be taken for the shank and bowl of a spoon, is on examination the cobra de capello. It is found also among the large snakes which encircle the tops of chambers in the tombs.

ART. XVIII-1. The Policy of Princes; an Essay, containing, together with much useful Advice to Legitimate Monarchs, a Faithful Picture of the Present State of Europe. By a Member of the Austrian Legation.-London. Horatio Phillips. 1828. 8vo. pp. 115.

2. Quarterly Review (No. LXXXV. Art. 7.) on the 'Political Condition and Prospects of France.

THE first of these productions is introduced for the purpose

of pointing it out as the source from which the greatest part of the other has been taken without acknowledgment. The public will therefore have the opportunity of comparing the original Selkirk, with the additions that have been made by the ingenuity of the plagiarist.

The object of both is to inculcate the desirableness of establishing arbitrary power wherever it is practicable; and the last contains a special application to the apprehended possibility of introducing it at the present moment in France, through the instrumentality of the Bourbons. In fact it is the manifesto of the party, who having brought upon their country all the misery that has been consequent on its past efforts to uphold the interests of arbitrary power throughout the world, are looking out keenly for an opportunity of plunging it into accumulated evils from the same source. The high church and the tories snuff the possibility of another revolutionary war; and it is with a view to obtaining something like a fair consideration of their project before it is too late, that notice is here taken of the feeler which they have put out.

Every body knows that during the latter half of the seventeenth century, political contests took place in England which ended, after considerable variety of fortune on both sides, in the entire discomfiture of the partisans of divine right, and the complete establishment of the principle of legitimacy, as construed to imply, that the sovereign chosen by a nation, whether native or of foreign birth, is the only legitimate, and that any other, however fortified by a line of ancestors, is what, for the sake of conveying the whole in a single word, the British constitution has designated by the term 'Pretender.' And for further elucidation in cases that might admit of it, it was clearly acknowledged and understood, that one of the most decisive marks and evidences of a Pretender,' consisted in his endeavouring to effect or perpetuate his establishment, by the operation of foreign armies. Such was the settlement upon which is founded the existing form of government in Great Britain. All men gave in their adhesion to it; and after

the individuals engaged in the previous struggles had had time to disappear from the scene, all were loud in their professions of attachment. It became the common as well as the written law of the land; it was the bond that held the community together, the principium et fons from which were derived all the claims of the actual government to obedience, and all the security of individuals for good expected to be consequent thereon. He that doubted this,-or at all events, that gave action to his doubts, was deemed a traitor, and is so still. It is not necessary to demand that he should be embowelled, or in other ways to countenance the execution of the sanguinary laws which men have always been too ready to make for the coercion of those who differ in opinion from themselves; but what is meant is, that the fact conveys that mixture of treachery, meanness, and dishonesty, which is popularly included under the epithet of traitor.

So far things went well. But human nature is feeble; and no man is to be trusted with doing justice in the converse of his own case. A contest arose with the colonies, in which, though the dispute was not on the legitimacy of an individual, the leading principles of public right which had been at stake in the British revolution, were all concerned, and all broken through. Fortunately for us of the present generation and for the world, the struggle on the British side was eminently unsuccessful. But the public spirit was perverted. Great masses of men had become accustomed to direct their feelings in the channel of hatred to popular rights; and it was not long before an opportunity arose, for re-trying the old question with renewed prospects of success. France, actuated by sentiments for which she was in a great measure indebted to her communication with America, threw off the form of arbitrary government, for enduring which she had for a century been the common object of English mockery and scorn. She attempted to make a compact with the existing family, and found, as in England, that to make terms with uningrafted royalty, is only making an agreement with the wolf to keep the sheep. The king signed promises with one hand, and with the other invited foreign armies, and was publicly executed for it, after the model which England had already given, and which she would probably follow again, if it were possible to conceive the reigning family supplanted by a Stuart who should repeat the cause.

It is needless to be minute. The foreigners, as all good men hoped, were driven back; and England, which had allowed itself to be inveigled into being a party to the injst invasion, YOL, XIII.-Westminster Review.

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