summed up in that sentence; it is, that your preparations should be made as near as possible to the spots where they would be most wanted. Consider, for a moment, what is passing in the other hemisphere. The navigation of the Bosphorus and the Hellespont is almost become the pivot of European politics. Russia must have this outlet for her commerce. It is only our old quarrel with Spain about the navigation of the Mississippi and the use of New-Orleans as an entrepôt. Well, sir, Pensacola commands our Bosphorus and Hellespont, or will enable us to prevent others from commanding it; and if we do not, by a foresight worthy of the lawgivers of a great nation, anticipate events by preparing it at once to serve the purposes for which Providence seems to have marked it out, we shall, I have no doubt at all of it, be made to feel its importance by disastrous experience in some future war.

But to proceed to what the gentleman from Maine said in connection with the claim of the citizens of Charleston to have that place used as a naval station, and provided with a navy yard, for sloops of war. I have already said that the gentleman is mistaken in supposing that this claim rests upon the ground of favor-that it was merely because an establishment of the kind would be a great encouragement to mechanics, so much wanted in that part of the country-although this would certainly be a very signal incidental recommendation of the measure-that I should urge it upon this House on a proper occasion. I maintain that it comes fairly within that principle which the most strenuous advocates of freedom of trade have admitted to be a fair exception to their general rule; and that is that whatever is necessary to the defence of a country ought to be protected at some cost by the government. It stands, for instance, on precisely the same principle as the navigation act, of which the gentleman seemed to speak with a perfect unconsciousness that it was a case in point against his own argument. By the navigation act a monopoly was secured, and from the foundation of the government had been continually secured, to the Northern and Eastern States, of the whole coasting trade. It had been secured to them for the very purpose of breeding the seamen, the possession of which by those States the gentleman thought a sufficient argument to show that no naval establishments ought to be kept up at the South, because they would cost a little more. He had quite forgotten that the South had borne, without any compensation, its share in this tax for the support of Northern navigation, and borne it without murmuring, on the ground of the necessity to the defence of the country in time of war, that its commercial marine should be encouraged in time of peace; for his colleague over the way (Mr. Elmore) had told them truly that we were

willing to divide our last dollar with them to repel a common

enemy.

[Here Mr. Evans interrupted Mr. Legaré, saying that the monopoly was not for the benefit of Northern sailors alone, but of all the American shipping interest.]

Mr. L. Nominally, to be sure, it is so; but, the fact being that all our seamen are residents of the North, it is perfectly accurate to say that it is virtually a tax levied upon the whole country for the benefit of Northern navigation. Foreign competition, which would lower freights for Southern produce, is entirely excluded by it, and I have reason to know that this is no imaginary advantage. I heard frequent complaints, from our consuls abroad, that the Swedes and other nations in the north of Europe were interfering with us, as carriers, to a fearful extent; so much so, that great doubts seemed to be entertained by these experienced persons about the policy of our treaties of reciprocity in this particular. I say, then, sir, that the objection of its costing a little more to maintain these naval establishments necessary, as I think them, to the permanent defence and security of a country-besides that, it really is one of no weight at all-comes with a very ill grace from the lips of a gentleman from the Eastern States.

Now, sir, I claim for Charleston a navy yard, for the construction and repair of sloops, on the ground that there is not a single port of military equipment along the whole line of coast, immense as it is, from the capes of Virginia to Pensacola; that this coast is precisely the frontier most exposed, and exposed to the most dangerous attacks in the event of a maritime war with any great European power; that, from its situation in regard to the Bermudas and the West India islands-the latter especially likely to become either the strongholds of the great powers, with a view to hold us in check, or dens of picaroons and bucaniers— this exposure becomes doubly perilous to it. I maintain that to leave this vast tract of country in so helpless a state with regard to maritime warfare, as to be unable to fit out the smallest vessel of war, is a neglect wholly inexcusable on any ground of equal justice or wise systematic policy. There are two circumstances, especially, that combine to render the situation of Charleston peculiarly interesting as a port of equipment for such vessels as may be able to pass over her bar. The first is one agreed in, so far as I know, by all who have, whether officially or otherwise, examined this subject; and that is, that it is the nearest port to the windward station on the West India islands. The advantages of this proximity to a fleet on that station are too obvious to need a remark, especially when you consider that, in suppressing piracies on those scas, the description of vessels employed is

precisely that to which a bar, not very deep, would present no obstacle, and which would need the most frequent renewals of supplies. But the other circumstance alluded to is still more important. It is the immense importance of Charleston as a place d'armes and point d'appui to the whole surrounding low country of South-Carolina, and even of Georgia, and a part of NorthCarolina. I have had occasion to urge this subject very earnestly upon the attention of the Navy Commissioners, as well as our Committee on Naval Affairs. For reasons which appear to me quite sufficient, I shall not, at present, dwell upon it. But I undertake to say that, were this country governed by a wise military despot-if such a one there be-a Napoleon, for instancehe would, in the view of contingencies which it requires no deep political forecast to anticipate, lose no time in arming the city of Charleston with all the instruments and resources of defence which its situation requires and admits of. I look upon that place, peculiarly blessed as it is with a most salubrious climate,* to persons accustomed to it at all times-even to strangers, with the exception of three months at an average interval of seven or eight years in the midst of a country desolated with malaria--as one of which it is impossible to overrate the importance. More especially is it so, now that its commercial prosperity, through extended and extending communications with the interior, seems to be returning to it, and that every thing in its condition is awakening hopes of a great increase of capital, enterprise and population. Certainly, too, as I said just now, it will be a great incidental advantage, and ought to be a strong additional motive with the government to endow it with all the establishments necessary to its permanent defence, that the money laid out there will do something more than provide it with the means of protection in war; that it will stimulate the industry already awakened by other causes; that it will add to the strength of those laboring classes so much wanted in the Southern country; that it will be a "twice blessed" cause of prosperity by at once inspiring greater security and furnishing motives to further improvement. As to the spirit in which we have preferred and prosecuted our claims, we are somewhat embarrassed to know how we shall act. We were told yesterday, by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Wise,) that to get any thing, even justice, here, we must be sturdy and indefatigable beggars; and that Southern people cannot, or will not, become so. We are to-day twitted by the gentleman from Maine, (Evans,) with the exces

[* Salubri loco in regione pestilenti, says Cicero of Rome, de Repub. ii., 6Niebuhr, ii., 413. It was then, as now, sickly on the Esquinal and Viminal. The country people had, during the summer months, to take refuge in towns. All over Italy, the climate is a negative datum in inquiring into the site of old towns. All on hills, and where none can now live in summer,-no town for 2500 years.

sive eagerness of our importunities. I trust I have done something to render these, for the future, less necessary, and that the House will hereafter look at the subject in the true national point of view in which it is so fully entitled to its gravest consideration. I shall not myself, it is probable, have an opportunity of pleading the cause when it shall come up in its turn, but I am sure it cannot be presented in vain to men who shall survey the whole subject in the comprehensive spirit of statesmen.

The gentleman from Maine, not content with objecting to the founding of particular establishments in different parts of the South, on grounds of the merest parsimony, seemed to think it perfectly reasonable that that section of country should make greater pecuniary sacrifices than any other, in consideration of certain imaginary advantages of political power and influence. My own opinion is, that the ratio of population and direct taxes was a most mistaken concession on the part of the South; but, without touching here a question which is precluded by the constitution, I venture to say that it is impossible for any powers of arithmetic, to compute the amount of the price paid by it for the blessings of the Union. Sir, I do not affect to question these blessings-far, very far, from it. They are the most precious which any form of government can secure to a country-blessings of peace, of liberty, and of glory. Our people have paid their contributions to the general weal, in whatever form they have been demanded; and they have paid them, whenever demanded within the limits of the constitution, with willing hearts and with self-devoted generosity. But let not gentlemen from other parts of the country deceive themselves into an idea that we have not bought these blessing at an immense price; or that we are not fully aware of it. I solemnly protest that I speak of such things with the deepest reluctance, and shall not now do more than just hint the most general view of a subject full of grave matter for reflection. Sir, in the scheme of God's providence, there is compensation in all things; and the South, if it labors, as it certainly does labor, under several disadvantages with regard to commerce and industry, had, in its fertile soil and privileged staple commodities, the means of indemnifying itself to a considerable degree, had all that was drawn from the soil by taxation been returned to it in expenditure, and had her commerce and industry been protected to the exclusion of those of the other States. We should have had sailors of our own, had not the navigation act of the Union enabled those of the East to become our carriers. We should have had importing merchants in our great cities, had not merchants of New-York, &c., without the disadvantages of residence, been enabled to enjoy among us all the benefits of citizenship. This topic is a fearful one, sir, and may be pushed much further, but I forbear.

I have said enough, however, to expose the radical futility and injustice of the arguments which would deprive us of institutions and establishments, of which no great country ought to be destitute, on no better ground than that they will cost a little more in our cities than in those of the North.

I repeat, in conclusion, that I claim nothing for my constituents to which I shall not be able to show they are entitled on the broadest grounds of justice and policy, and I shall expect that every such claim will be unhesitatingly granted by the House.

VOL. I. 43