NATION SHALL NOT LIFT UP SWORD AGAINST NATION, NEITHER SHALL THEY LEARN WAR ANY MORE.

"REASON VERSUS THE SWORD."

BY ELIHU BURRITT.

VOL. IV. No. 10.

loaning it to some one who will read it the sooner for its being lent to him by a friend. For, unfortunately, not one in a thousand will buy a book believing that it will change his cherished opinions on any important subject, even though he could admire its eloquent language, admirable style and logic. The purchase and loan of a single copy will be as valuable a contribution to the cause of peace as any one could make with the same money, and we earnestly hope that many friends of that cause will add this to other efforts to advance it.

THE ORIGIN OF PEACE SOCIETIES. Archdeacon Jefferies says; "America has the honor of inventing two of the most valuable institutions that ever blessed mankind;-The Peace Society and the Temperance Society."

Strictly speaking this is true-that is, it is true as far as "Peace Societies," so called, are concerned.

They all had their origin in the progress of Christianity which originated Bible and Missionary Societies, and made their appearance at the same period.

With this expressive title, Mr. John M. Washburn, of Richmond, Ind., has produced a very remarkable book. He dedicates it "to those who believe that the scheme of God's moral government is so good that persecution is unnecessary to the purity of the church, and that his scheme of natural government is so wise that the sword is unnecessary to the interests of the State." Now those who espouse the author's faith in regard to the church are very numerous and increasing in number daily; but he and every other reformer who adopts them will find a very small following in regard to his views of the sword in relation to governments. We hope that this book will reach and affect a larger constituency than the minds he has dedicated it to. Those who dispute or disbelieve his conclusions need most to read, mark and inwardly digest it; for we are persuaded no book ever written goes more deeply and thoroughly into every root, branch and leaf of the subject. As an array of reason, revelation, common sense and common humanity against the sword, it is a production unequalled for deep research, vigorous thought, lucid exposition, impregnable logic and couraThe organ of the London Peace Society, The Herald of geous conviction. Its language is the natural expression of a Peace in an article 1819-20 says: "The New York Peace spirit all aglow with the inspiration of the subject. It is ex- Society takes precedence of all others in regard to priority ceedingly strong and bold, but not defiant, as if to challenge of formation, having been organized in August, 1815. The controversy or to intimidate it. We hope that those to whom fact, however, seems to be that as early as 1808 New York the author dedicates the volume, and who espouse even partial- had a Peace Society of some activity, for it that year publy his views, will not only read it themselves, but will circulate lished an essay on the general subject, entitled "The Meit among those who oppose his conclusions, and who constitute diator's Kingdom not of this world," which passed through nine-tenths of the community. It is the best work yet pub- four editions, and was circulated to the extent of 20,000 copies. lished to put into the hands of thoughtful men of this numerous The article in the Herald of Peace referred to states this fact, and important class, especially ministers, lawyers, college pro-and it is not obvious why it should give so late a date as 1815 fessors, and writers on religious, moral and political subjects. If they wish to grapple with the strongest arguments that can be arrayed against war, capital punishment, and other systems of the brute force, they will find them here set forth in their best force. Those who have hunted up and down from one lid of the Bible to the other for authority or a sanction for these systems, will be here met on their own ground by one mighty in scripture," in letter as well as spirit. All those who believe these systems are opposed to the teachings and genius of Christ's religion and must fall before it, will find their faith endowed with new courage and strength by a perusal of this bold, original and impressive book. It will not only define more clearly the faith that is in them, but give it new arguments and force in bringing others to the same convictions. We hope for both these effects, that all such persons will feel it a duty they owe to their own faith in these great principles, to aid in circulating a work of such power among their friends and acquaintances.

66

to the first Peace Society. "The Massachusetts Peace Society was formed in December, 1815," and "on the 11th of January 1816, its organization was completed in its choice of officers."

The present "London Peace Society" had its origin with the name of "The Society for the promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace," in London, June 14, 1816. A French Society, "Societe de morale chrettinne" (the Society of Christian morals,) had its origin August 15, 1821. "The American Peace Society," which was a fusion of the American organizations, was formed in New York in May, 1828. This resume shows that this great movement sprang up simultaneously on two Continents at about the same time. No one of the Peace Societies can claim any considerable priority though the Amercan Peace Society is slightly in the advance as being a fusion of the American Societies having the earliest origin.

All of this however is of less consequence than what Peace Societies have accomplished. We propose in future papers to

This may be best accomplished by each buying a copy and show this.

A SONG FOR PEACE.
BY JOAQUIN MILLER.

As a tale that is told, as a vision,
Forgive and forget; for I say
That the true shall endure the derision
Of the false to the full of the day.

Ay, forgive as you would be forgiven;
Ay, forget, lest the ill you have done
Be remembered against you in heaven
And all the days under the sun.

For who shall have bread without labor?
And who shall have rest without price?
And who shall hold war with his neighbor
With promise of peace with the Christ?
The years may lay hand on fair heaven;

May place and displace the red stars;
May stain them, as blood stains are driven
At sunset in beautiful bars.

May shroud them in black till they fret us
As clouds with their showers of tears;
May grind us to dust and forget us,

May the years, O, the pitiless years.

The precepts of Christ are beyond them;
The truths by the Nazarene taught,
With the tramp of the ages upon them,
They endure as though ages were naught.

The deserts may drink up the fountains,
The forests give place to the plain,
The main may give place to the mountains,
The mountains return to the main.

Mutations of worlds and mutations

Of suns may take place; but the reign Of time and the toils and vexations Bequeath them, no, never a stain.

Go forth to the fields as one sowing,
Sing song and be glad as you go,
There are seeds that take root without sowing,
And bear some fruit whether or no.

And the sun shall shine sooner or later,
Though the midnight breaks ground on the morn,
Then appeal you to Christ, the Creator,
And to gray-bearded Time, his first-born.

THE ETHICS OF PEACE.

BY A. B. HAYWARD,

Hon. Secretary Liverpool Peace Society.

No. 6.-PRACTICAL ASPECT.

ed by the Geneva Arbitration," and again, in the debate as to Parliament overhauling treaties before they are ratified, Lord Salisbury's declaration that "arbitration is one of the pet nostrums of the day, like competitive examination, or savage irrigation. It will have its day, and be believed in as a panacea; but the next generation will look back upon us with pity and contempt to think that we could have relied upon such an expedient for bridling the ferocity of human passions."

It is also a very common error to confound the payment of ransom-bribe by the ancient Romans to their infuriated Gothic foes, with the principles proposed to be tabulated and codified by a matured system of international law. This assumption is so commonly and so willingly adopted that we will now be at some pains to demonstrate, that not one element of the principle of international arbitration is to be traced in the historic events referred to. Previously, however, we will remark that we have been unsuccessful in searching for the grounds of "the great humiliation" referred to by Mr. Bentwick, but rather by that more minute investigation into the Geneva award and its surroundings, demanded by his remark, we have been more fully impressed with a sense of its justice, its magnanimity, its nobility, and its sufficiency. Of the venturesome statement of the Marquis of Salisbury, suffice it to say that we think it accords far more with the progressive character of the times to anticipate that the next generation will review with horror the barbaric, the sanguinary, and the destructive policy, which in less than two centuries cost this country alone, SEVEN THOUSAND MILLIONS STERLING; and during the ages of authentic history, the astounding aggregate of THIRTY-FIVE THOUSAND MILLIONS of human lives! Reverting now to the bribing away the Gothic king from the gates of Rome about the year A. D. 408-of that event the historian of the Roman Empire writes, Vol. 5, Page 236: "Stilicho assembled the Senate in the palace of the Cæsars, represented in a studied oration the actual state of affairs; proposed the demands of the Gothic king, and submitted to their consideration the choice of peace or war. The senators, as if they had been suddenly awakened from a dream of four hundred years, appeared on this important occasion to be inspired by the courage, rather than by the wisdom of their predecessors. They loudly declared, in regular speeches or in tumultuary acclamations, that it was unworthy of the majesty of Rome to purchase a precarious and disgraceful truce from a barbaric king; and that, in the judgment of a magnanimous people the chance of win was always preferable to the certainty of dishonor. After a warm debate, the tumult of virtue and freedom subsided, and the sum of four thousand pounds of gold was granted, under the name of a subsidy, to secure the peace of Italy, and to conciliate the friendship of Alaric." "Zampadine alone, one of the most illustrious of the assembly, persisted in his dissent, and exclaimed in a low voice, -non est ista pax, sed pactio servitutie!—this is not a treaty of peace but of servitude." Here then, we have the case fairly before us. Let us now through these transactions remark the absence of every element of arbitration for which we contend.

This

First, it is not even insinuated that any national quarrel has arisen ; but on the contrary it was a direct and hostile invasion of one Kingdom by another-the reason—if any—that in times past, the now invaded Empire had so well schooled the Gothic Tribes in the dangerous art of war, and had so well instructed them in military science; that being now prepared to deal back INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION-WHAT IT IS NOT. the blows they had aforetime received, they determined to inflict the miseries of War upon their quondam tutors, nolens In former articles on the Ethics of Peace, we briefly consid- volens.-Next, the very centre thought of International Arbiered the theologic, the financial, the ethnological and the polit- tration is conspicuous only by absence: for we find no allusion ical aspects of this theme; we shall now endeavor to unite the whatever to a third party, to whom should be entrusted the theoretic and the practical, and deal with that aspect of peace honor and subsequent action of the contending nations. principles, which, owing to the growth in the public mind of the is fatal to the comparison, and at once, puts it out of court. general theme, and to past and recent results in connection with And then finally, be it ever in mind that a money consideration it, have given prominence to the thought, and importance to the from either party is not necessarily an adjunct of International design, contemplated by international arbitration. That it is a Arbitration, but, when so, circumstantially so, only. The theme for many sided thought is evident from the fact that able NATURE of the case, in the Geneva Award involved a monetary and powerful minds are found expressing views so diverse re-arrangement; but we calmly relegate to the afflicted in intellect specting it; and also from the fact that whenever the subject is the idea, that there can exist the remotest affinity between the mooted in Parliament some member is found to challenge it; as exactions of ALARIC and arbitrational settlement of the Alabama for instance in the debate on the Budget, Mr. Bentwick alluded claims. We will in our next consider, what international arbito the recent case of arbitration, with the United States, as tration is and in that article we shall have the pleasure of quo"the great humiliation to which this country has been subject- ting the happy and satisfactory results in many cases of refer

ence, in which no pecuniary claim crops up in any way. Meantime, we have endeavored to show what it is NOT. It is NOT a bribe to turn aside the attack of a hostile foe-it is not a humiliation to any country under any circumstances—it is not a mere nostrum of this or any former time. NOR is it inconsistent with the highest moral courage, the loftiest and purest patriotism, the finest tone of national honor-nor with the most rapid and safe development of national progression.

disgrace."-THOMSON.

No one will deny that war is disgrace, ruin, horror of horrors. It is reasonable to say that war always arises from injustice. Is it not better, far better to strangle the causes, than to only combat the effects? If so, then I hold it to be the duty of every one to apply his energies in this direction, to aim at the causes of war. In the past, wars were more frequent and a deal more disastrous than they now are. In the past oppression and tyranny were rampant, to-day they are confined to a comparatively small range. But wherever you see war, there look closely and you will find injustice. Never were the inalienable rights of mankind more thoroughly violated than they have been by war. Rivers of blood of innocent subjects mark out the paths of unscrupulous monarchs. Millions of treasure cannot repay the sums spent in this universal villany. How little pity can a humanitarian feel for a Cæsar or a Napoleon, how little mercy can be felt for any man who murders his unoffending fellow-men by wholesale!

Had the vast armies which have devastated the world been composed of the "nobility," who were the chief agents in every war, we would have little cause to complain; but on the contrary, the multitude, the workers, the real wealth producers, whose honest lives have offended no king, were made the soldiers and had to shed the blood. Urged on by the hollow and wicked cries of "patriotism," "country" and "victory," men who before lived in happy contentment and prosperity have been fired to rush upon each other in deadly enmity and in the name of their country," cut the throats of their brothers, burn their hard earned property, and deluge their country in

blood.

I denounce "patriotism," I denounce the cry country! as I denounce and abhor the word " victory." Never were greater humbugs foisted upon a deluded people than are these same meaningless words.

endangered. It has been so in the past, monarchy and republic alike have been afflicted.

The less government interferes with personal liberty, the less disturbance we will have to endure.

But the tree of iniquity from which all minor sins sprout is Injustice, which we all have watered by the sweat of the brow. Labor has not been equitably rewarded. The same sin which produces discord between employer and employee has convulsed the nations of the world. It has been one long night of cruel wrong; and it will never cease until the people know what has been done, and demand the peace which flows from that yet undiscovered spring called, Equity. It has been the custom in all time past, as far as our history goes, in dealing and trading to get as much from your neighbor as your neighbor will give you. Speculation, duplicity and fraud are the results of this false, social, and business principle. Until this is completely overturned, until Equity is established where speculation now stands, until individual sovereignty replaces the principle of government and force, war, black war, with all its ghastly horrors will stalk about as wildly as they have ever done in any past age.

SIR PHILIP SIDNEY.

BY S. HOPKINS EMERY.

This was one of the most remarkable men in the Elizabethan age of England's history. The queen called him her Philip, in opposition, it is alleged to Philip of Spain, her sister's husband. His famous" Defense of Poesy "prepared the way for Spenser and Shakespeare, who were just coming upon the stage and destined to astonish the world by their immortal productions.

Born the 29th of November, 1554, Sir Philip breathed his last the 16th of October, 1586, before he had completed his thirty-second year, a victim of war, receiving his death wound at the battle of Zutphen, on the river Issel in Gelderland.

Then it was Elizabeth lost what she called "the jewel of her times ;""in the very prime of his days," writes one, "the zenith of his hopes, the man above all others idolized, the soldier's, scholar's, courtier's eye, tongue, sword-the Marcellus and Maecevas of the English nation." Oxford and Cambridge poured forth three volumes of "learned lamentations" for the loss of one whom they considered their "brightest ornament,' and indeed so general was the grief that as some one has expressed it, "the whole kingdom went into mourning.'

The venerable Camden calls him the " darling of the learned world, the great glory of his family, the hope of mankind, the most lively pattern of virtue."

This may seem extravagant eulogy to us moderns, but had we lived in the full blaze of Sidney's light, we might have shared in the enthusiasm.

Among his last words were these:

"This my hurt is the ordinance of God by the hap of war." And so he died.

Can the world afford to lose such men in the centuries to come as they have been wastefully swept away by the scythe of death in the bloody annals of the past?

We cannot believe "the ordinance of God" hath decreed it, and it is time that such cruel "hurt" to Christ's kingdom and the world's progress by "the hap of war" should cease.

Every child is taught that government is instituted for the protection of person and property, the whole world is led to look upon government as its protector, yet I believe that governments have been the cause of horrible slaughter as far back as history extends. Every page of history bears evidence that governments have entered into wars on the most trivial pretences and for the most selfish ends. We need go no further back than the late desperate struggle between France and Germany to find such an instance. The question of the Hohenzollern family, their interfering with the affairs of Spain, was the direct cause of the war. Now in the name of all virtue, what care the mass of men in Europe for this disturbing tribe of royalists? It has been the same story all through European history. The false and empty claims of worthless princes. have ever resulted in the ruin and death of the most innocent and worthy people. How long mankind will endure these monstrous wrongs, no one dare predict. The mass of men have become so thoroughly imbued with the idea that their governors are always on the right side, that fighting is commenced without much consideration other than that of "" victory for our country." War is truly a gigantic fraud and every true man will refuse to fight his fellow-men on any pretext whatever. We must refuse to fight, as we would refuse to murder an un- employ this short existence, not in loving and aiding each other, offending person. Have little fear that "government" could drive men to fight in this late day, against their wills.

Let the power to enslave the individual be concentrated in the hands of government and war is inevitable. Governors are utterly reckless, they evidently think very little of" the people's will" or even "the voice of God," when their own positions are

WAR.-The father of Louis Napoleon thus writes in one of his letters: "I have been as enthusiastic and joyful as any one after a victory, but I confess that even the sight of a field of battle has not only struck me with horror, but even turned me sick and now that I am advanced in life I cannot understand, any more than I could at fifteen years, how beings who call themselves reasonable, and who have so much foresight, can

and in passing through it as gently as possible, but, on the contrary, in endeavoring to destroy each other, as if time did not do this with sufficient rapidity. What I thought at fifteen years I still think: war, which society draws upon itself, is but an organized barbarism, and an inheritance of the savage state, however disguised or ornamented."

THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. completing the arrangements for it, the Peace Society having

Our last issue contained the announcement that in view of the opinions expressed by eminent jurists, publicists and statesmen, it had been decided to convene a meeting of the leading publicists of different countries at Brussels, Belgium, on the 28th of the present month," for consultation upon the best method of preparing an International Code, and the most prom-work which can and must be done. Religion, morality, educaising means of procuring its adoption."

I.

an International Code and Court of Justice: " in a word, "to age and blindness forbid my aiding it except by most ardent secure for the nations the inappreciable benefits of a tribunal for sympathy." the settlement of their differences," shall fail; if we are not really" almost within arm's reach of this great consummation which must bring in a new and glorious future to mankind," still, let no one suppose other endeavors will not be made, and Inade soon; for this is a work that must be accomplished, and it is as sure to be accomplished as the purposes of the God of

peace are to be fulfilled.

However, let the present endeavor have the sympathy and the prayers of all the friends of God and man in all the world.

THE CAUSE OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRA-
TION BEFORE THE PEOPLE OF THE
UNITED STATES.

A LETTER FROM MR. CHARLES LUCAS, MEMBER OF THE INSTI-
TUTE, TO REV. J. B. MILES.

La Rougere, near Bourges, July 17, 1873. DEAR AND HONORED SIR-I have received the letter which you did me the honor to send on May 30th. You there express in the kindest terms the value which you attach to my writings and the regret that my absence from Paris did not permit you to converse with me in regard to the generous mission upon which you had come to Europe. You know how entirely I sympathize with you in this regret.

inaction in regard to a reform which I thought ought to be But I did not intend upon that account to condemn myself to called the civilization of war, and which I hope to serve so long as Divine Goodness shall prolong my days, with the same earnestness which during fifty years I have given to the two other reforms, of prison discipline and the abolition of the death penalty. I think it will be permitted me to do so without participating in the preparatory work of elaborating and editing the fundamental rules for a code of public International Law, which ought to be a work of peace and civilization, and must include the principle of arbitration.

The only difficulties for science to solve are not those which it would meet in this work of codification. In a recent letter Count Frederic Sclopis told you what he had previously written to me, "The essential point which will be the most difficult of accomplishment is to render this work efficacious, it is to do something which will produce a prompt and practical effect in the international relations of different governments."

Now there are three conditions to arrive at this practicability; first, the influence of science, which ought to try by spreading abroad its light and popularizing its principles, to create in favor of this reform what Montesqueu calls an " esprit general," and which is called to-day public opinion. Next, the influence of public opinion, which ought to endeavor in its turn to obtain the majority of votes in the legislative assemblies for the social progress which it desires.

Finally, the action of parliamentary majorities, which have just been exerting all their influence upon the deliberations of the diplomacy.

I thank you for informing me of the approaching arrival of most important communications which you have received from Thus it is that by the action of science upon public opinion, the most distinguished lawyers and statesmen in different coun- by that of public opinion upon the parliaments, and by that of tries and which attest the harmony of their views. I await parliamentary majorities upon diplomatic action, will be protheir reception with great impatience, for they will naturally duced the peaceful and regular development of social progress. interest me much. I congratulate you upon the eclat which In this way I have exerted myself to further this great reform you are about to give to the publication and circulation of the as far as possible, pleading its cause before the Institute of Advocate of Peace, which will become a valuable organ for the France by my addresses, before the two governments of Enggenerous efforts of the United States in the work of the codifi-land and the United States by an article on Christian Civilizacation of International Law and of International Arbitration. I tion which is submitted to them, and finally by addressing mywish that time allowed me to respond to your appeal for my co- self to the press of London in a letter of July 3d, to plead before operation. the English people the cause of International Arbitration, on the eve of the day which the eloquence of Mr. Richard rendered so memorable, by obtaining the majority of his nation's votes in favor of International Arbitration.

II.

I arrive now at the principal object of your letter, where you have the satisfaction of informing me that the arrangements are almost concluded for the first meeting of the proposed commission, under the name of the Senate of Publicists, which is to be held at Brusselles in the month of October next, and you add that "I shall soon receive an invitation to become a member I am now to plead this cause of International Arbitration beof this senate, and that you hope I shall be able to be pre-fore the American people, and it is in this letter that I intend to sent." do it, as you have yourself invited me, in referring to suggesI ought first to tell you that in a communication of a confitions whose value you exaggerate, though they have the merit dential character, of which I do not think myself authorized to of sincerity at least. give the detail, I was informed early in May that in Belgium the plan of a Congress or International Juridic conference had been proposed and was being actively carried on, with a view of establishing certain fundamental principles of public International Law. This was entirely independent of your design. The number of members of this conference was not to exceed twenty, to be chosen in Europe and the United States from the men most prominent in this department.

I was obliged by reason of my blindness, to decline the honor of this co-operation, as I had from the same motive in 1872 declined to represent the Institute of France at the Congress in London for the reform of prison discipline. The same cause will prevent me from being present at the congress or senate of jurists which is to meet at Brusselles in October; in spite of the importance which I attach to the work and to what I shall call the glory of taking part in it. By referring to my address read Oct. 5, 1872 at the Institute, upon the necessity of a Scientific International Congress for the codification of International Law, whose realization I have not dared to hope was so near, you will see that I have declared my sentiments in advance in the following terms: "I abandon to the active and generous spirits who share my ideas upon the necessity of this International Congress, the charge of carrying it into execution, for

In this great reform for which we hope, science, as I have just shown, has two banners; upon one it writes Codification, upon the other Practicability. The American people must march under this double banner to accomplish their aim. Let us see if such is the direction of the reform in the United States. I admire the generous spirit of co-operation in the United States, when I see them confide to you the mission of going to Europe to invite a few of the most prominent men to assemble upon the hospitable soil of the great American republic, in order to join their labors upon the great work of the codification of International Law. I admire it still more, when you return from a mission which you have so worthily fulfilled, but without having been able to overcome the obstacle which the crossing of the Atlantic would present to those upon the European side, and I see it persist in its great design, and as a compensation for the regret it feels at not being able to receive upon the American soil its illustrious guests, renew its invitation upon European soil, in the capital of a neutral State, also, the resolution passed after a meeting at the house of the celebrated jurist, Dudley Field, to form a committee of five persons, where to the name of Mr. Field and of yourself are added the weighty names of President Woolsey and of the noted lawyers Beach Lawrence and Emory Washburne, with a view of preparing for