(Formerly French Minister of State; Member of the Institute of France, etc.) SIR-You have done me the honor to ask my opinion respecting the laudable project you have brought to Europe, and the realization of which you proseute with so much zeal and self-denial. I could have wished to have given a profound study to questions so grave, which interest humanity at large. But the time is wanting. This, however, in a few words, is what I think. For a long time, I have considered the codification of the law of nations as an utopia, but my ideas have been considerably modified within the last two years. Two great facts have contributed powerfully to produce that modification, and I think they have influenced, in this sense, all great thinkers and honest men-the Franco-German war and the Geneva Arbitration. The war of 1870, which threw us back to times of barbarism, ought to be a useful warning to the civilized world. It has shown us all the dangers of the endless contradictions in the jurisprudence and practice of nations; the disagreements ceaselessly renewed in international relations, which are governed by no well-defined and invariable principles, are influenced more by caprice than by justice, by force than by the action of law. The Treaty of Washington and the Arbitration at Geneva have, on the other hand, made us to see the possibility of arriving at a common understanding for the settlement of such contradictions. There will, no doubt, be great difficulties to get over, but they are not insurmountable. The first part of your programme has my entire approbation. The essential point is to secure, first of all, the concurrence of the most eminent jurists. The action of science ought to precede all other influence. It must keep itself in its isolation and banish all selfish interests. The mere fact of their reaching a uniformity of view respecting codification would be of itself a considerable result, and would exercise, in the near future, a decisive influence in the direction of its adoption by great political bodies. As to the time for the meeting of the senate of jurists, I think that the sooner it takes place the better. We should take advantage of the occasion when the cabinets of Washington and London may communicate to the great powers the sixth article of the Treaty of Washington, for the purpose of inviting their adhesion to three principles of maritime law which it contains. The place of meeting, I consider to be of little importance, but probably any central city of Europe would have the approval of a majority. You may reckon upon my best exertions to promote the success of your mission, and, meanwhile, believe me, sir, Yours, most sincerely, March 6, 1873. VII. CHARLES CALVO. FROM M. DE PARIEU, MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE. To the Rev. J. B. Miles: First, I believe that the senate should be convened before the congress in order to avoid the confusion which might arise from the discussion of the code by two bodies at the same time. It would, therefore, in my view be well that the senate should have finished its work before submitting it to the sanction of the popular congress. It would be necessary to begin with selecting a few men known in the world of juries and publicists, and leave to them the care of choosing and bringing into the commission those, who by their talent, enlightenment and integrity, should appear to them worthy. As you observe, sir, the work which would come from the hands of a senate thus composed of the most distinguished persons in the learned world would have the force of law in the eyes of every intelligent and honest man, or, at least, would carry great authority. Paris appears to me the place most favorable for the assembling of the congress. I would not, indeed, have any proposition appear to be dictated by partiality, in proposing my country as the place of meeting, but I ask where a commission having a philanthropic aim could better work than in a place where everything would recall the horrors that may come from the terrible calamity of war. The survivors of Paris proclaim, and will long continue to proclaim, the sufferings of two peoples condemned by the barbarous custom of war to slaughter each other. You see here, what inclines my choice in favor of Paris. These are the observations I would submit. Permit me to say again how beautiful and noble in my view is the enterprise you have undertaken, and how much glory will attach to those who like you consecrate to it their lives. Receive the assurance of my very distinguished consideration. E. DE PARIEU. P. S.-Permit me, having given the subject my most ample reflection, to state an hypothesis which would make it preferable to name the international senate: INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE. Suppose that three persons delegated by those in your country who are occupied by this idea, should address three persons in France, known for their labors in the same direction. Suppose that these six persons should jointly invite the written consent of three Englishmen, three Italians, three Spaniards, and a certain number of Belgians and Swiss, the nucleus thus constituted could begin to deliberate and advise in the choice of delegates from other nations. This mode of gradual formation would lead to the development of an international institute. This is a pure hypothesis which I suggest, but it may be susceptible of realization total or partial. VIII. FROM HON. AUGUST VISSCHERS, BRUSSELS, (Belgium, President Peace Congress of 1848.) For upwards of twenty-five years, honored sir, I am ac quainted with the doctrines of the friends of peace in America and in England. The names of your celebrated authors, especially of those who have written on arbitration and the high court of nations are known to me. Neither are you unacquainted with the sense and purport of the resolutions that have been adopted at all the international congresses of the friends of peace in which I have taken part, in Brussels, in 1848, in Paris, in 1849, in Frankfort Sur le Mein in 1850, in London, in 1851. I have remained true to my faith in the future, but the human mind must pass through many evolutions before these doctrines can be realized. SIR-I accept the offer which you have done me the honor to make. To reunite under the same rule of law and moral the men of all countries, is a work of the highest philanthropy," and few efforts are so worthy of all of my sympathy. Honor to the country, and the men that first conceived the idea. The general idea and the plan put forth for the formation of an International Congress, seems to me very just. Nevertheless, since you have done me the honor to consult me, I will venture to make certain observations upon the subject of organization. My conviction is, that thanks to the facility of communication, that in shortening distances permits of men inhabiting different countries being brought together in bonds of human brotherhood, the moment has arrived when they should think to help themselves" by inquiring into the means best calculated to avert. to judge and to repress conflicts between govern ments and nations by the reform and completion of public international law. Arbitration such as is now practiced, is but an incomplete measure. Submission to arbitration has no obligatory character; a tribunal has no weight until its decisions are based on a written text, this text should take the form of law, (Continued on page 64.) THE ADVOCATE OF PEACE. BOSTON, AUGUST, 1873. ANOTHER VICTORY OF PEACE, On the 8th of July the distinguished Henry Richard, M. P., Secretary of the London Peace Society, presented his motion upon International Arbitration in the House of Commons, and it was adopted by the casting vote of the Speaker. Thus peace has achieved another glorious triumph. By adopting this motion the House of Commons has expressed the opinion that Her Majesty's government should communicate with foreign powers with the view of establishing arbitration as a permanent resort for the settlement of differences between nations. The Boston Advertiser, one of our most influential and able papers, has well said, "It is true that the measure is merely an advisory one, but that an advisory measure, so far in advance of the practice of civilized nations should have been passed at all in the representative body of one of the most conservative of them, is a fact from which the friends of peace may well take courage." It is to be added that this expression of sentiment in favor of arbitration derives force and significance from the fact that Great Britain has recently tried arbitration in important cases and been beaten. Notwithstanding this she has faith in. arbitration. From this act of the House of Commons the friends of peace will take courage. They will throw themselves with all the more zeal and determination into the great movement which they have set on foot for the codification of international law, and the elaboration of such a system as may eventually be adopted by all civilized nations. Then a solid basis will have been formed for the adoption of a general and permanent plan for adjusting the differences of nations by arbitration. We most heartily congratulate Mr. Richard upon the success The adoption of Mr. Richard's motion conspires with other of this measure, to secure which he has long labored with emi-events to make more manifest the imperative necessity for prosnent ability and zeal. We can but regard this as a large step ecuting the movement which we have undertaken for defining, in the right direction. digesting and codifying the law of nations, and at the same In commenting upon the adoption of this measure the Even-time must give a new impulse to the movement. ing Post of New York, a journal which has generally spoken nobly in favor of arbitration and peace, says: "If Mr. Richard expects international warfare to disappear because of the adoption of his motion he is mistaken. The policy of a State cannot be changed solely by the vote of the principal legislative body of a neighboring State, and Mr. Gladstone, in opposing the motion, recognized this fact. He does not yield to Mr. Richard in his desire to substitute arbitration for war, as a means of adjusting international differences, but he takes a practical view of the subject, and believes that it is better to do a thing slowly than simply to say it is done, and let it go at that. There are two reasons which Mr. Gladstone might urge in a new discussion of the subject. "First, neither Great Britain nor any other nation has any power to enforce the proposed cl.ange. International law, of which it is proposed to formally make the principle of arbitration a part, is simply a body of practices whose observance depends upon common consent. But unless every continental power agreed to the suggestion of Great Britain, not any would dare to, since the nation which kept up a standing army would practically be the strongest, and at the expense of the rest. Obviously the change proposed is a great one. The standing armies and military systems of Europe cannot be abolished by a stroke of the pen. The habits of nations cannot be changed by a diplomatic interview, but the argument from experience is stronger than custom or tradition, and Mr. Gladstone might very well say that if Great Britain and the United States gave a satisfactory exhibition to the world of the validity and utility of the principle of arbitration by their use of it, a reason would be furnished for its adoption by other nations which would commend itself." Now, while we agree with the writer of the above that the adoption of Mr. Richard's motion will not of itself abolish international warfare, and we have no reason to suppose Mr. Richard thinks it will, yet we rejoice in it as evidence of pro. gress toward that blessed consummation. A COMMUNICATION FROM THE GENERAL THE HAGUE, June, 1873. Thanks to the system of International Arbitration, a system which is applauded more and more by the civilized nations, and which during the past year has achieved a victory so brilliant at Geneva. The League of Peace of the United Netherlands not satisfied with the intelligence of your mission given by the "Nonconformist," of London, of the 21st of May last, regret that this country should not have had the honor to have been visited by you, Sir. And though regretting very much that you did not visit us, we, nevertheless, feel a very deep interest in your very generous mission, and in your indefatigable negotiations with the former members of the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva, and other distinguished men. This League hope ardently for the day which is approaching when a new code of the rights of the people in accord with the spirit of the times, and with the teachings of Christianity will be elaborated by men the most competent in regard to this same law and also public law,,—a code to be sanctioned by the legislative authority of the governments and parliaments of the United States of America and of Europe. This League has addressed itself to the President of the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva and, also, to each of the members of that Tribunal, insisting earnestly upon improving the opportunity for seconding your efforts, Reverend Sir, for framing a code of laws for all peoples, as the negotiators of the Treaty of Washington in the arbitration of Geneva made for some controverted points of maratime rights. on our continent. Who will send to our Advocate of Peace, or write on the wings of our Angel a record of the formation of Arbitration League, No. 1." W. P. T. This League unhesitatingly declares its entire accord with the resolutions adopted at Paris in March last by the meet- WAR AND A STANDING ARMY, HOW FAR ing of distinguished publicists convened by your invitation, and CONSISTENT WITH THE SPIRIT OF published in the bulletin of the Society of the friends of peace of Paris, March and April, 1873. This League earnestly prays you, Reverend Sir, to convey to your Society and citizens the expression of our most sincere and lively sympathy, and our hope for the successful consummation of the great enterprise, which was the object of your mission. CHRISTIANITY. It is the spirit which is operating in the world at large that I deplore, not only in those who are taking a direct part, encouraging, upholding the necessity of war, or eagerly grasping after the gains. The horrors of the battlefield are but the outward exhibition of evil desires and affections which exist, more or less, in all, though shown in different ways; the motives, the springs, the aims are the same, all more or less unhallowed, The Central Committee of the League of Peace of the and the state of mind which leads to such results is the first Netherlands: : thing to be considered and guarded against. I do not say that we can at once "beat our swords into ploughshares, and our D. VAN ECK, member of the 2d Chamber of the States spears into pruning hooks"; it is, in fact, partly by looking General, and Lawyer, President. P. BLEEKER, Counsellor of State, Vice-President. G. BELINFANTE, Lawyer, Secretary. NANTUCKET AND ARBITRATION. We spent Sunday, July 13th, at this beautiful sea-girt isle, breezy with winds which sweep over three thousand miles of ocean, and rich with hospitality that seems to be native in the hearts of the people. Notice had been given that we should preach, in the evening, on "International Arbitration," and a fine audience of residents and strangers came out to hear. We had just got the glorious news of the passage of Mr. Richard's resolution through the House of Commons, and we dwelt largely upon the history of that grand work, and its hopeful significance in the cause of universal national peace. We spoke of the kindred work, in another direction, in which our Secretary is so deeply interested, and of the vast importance of waking the public mind and heart to a living interest in the general subject. The large audience gave marked attention for about an hour, to what we had to say, and we should not be greatly surprised to learn that the first "Arbitration League" in the United States is formed on this island. It would be a good place to begin. We know no better. It is a little world by itself; a world over which the white flag has always waved, in our war with foreign powers. It was first settled by men firmly principled against war and bloodshed, and whose descendants still feel the throbbing of the old Quaker blood in their veins, and the stirring of Quaker principles of liberty and peace in their hearts. Then, too, it would be so easy to send the voice of cheer across the unbroken sea, whose rolling waves would be so proud to bear it to our English co-workers, and, then inland, over Massachusetts, New England, and still westward to the Pacific, starting kindred movements all over the land. This, at all events, is the work that is waiting to be done, and if Nantucket does not lead off, some other place must. It was in this way Mr. Richard's motion was carried; not by his own labors alone, great and unceasing as these were, but by the "Arbitration Leagues, Workingmen's Peace Societies," and kindred associations, co-operating with him in his noble work. The time is fully ripe for like efforts in every town and village for such hasty transitions that the Gospel is brought into disrepute; but I do say that much more vigorous and decided efforts might, ought to be made towards such a happy consummation, and I think also that the most important step would be to recognize fairly and truthfully the moral degradation which causes the dreadful state of things which exist. Unless we see and acknowledge the errors we are guilty of, how can we hope to overcome them? We might, in fact, with advantage, adopt a truer phraseology with regard to warfare, and substitute what might be called a Christian for a wordly dictionary; the meaning given to glory being successful ambition; to honor, the praise of men, as accepted by the vainglorious; to valor, brute force, subordinating moral consideraions; brilliant victory, the overthrow of the laws of God by the supplanting of antagonistic forces, etc. But our faith is wanting, because our practice is wanting: we do not act up to the light given, or listen effectively to the "still small voice" within. In fact, the haphazard, the inconsistent, careless, or spasmodic way in which the spiritual laws are observed in this case, as in many others, is very remarkable, considering the enormous interests at stake those momentous interests in which an eternity of happiness is involved, and on which our present real happiness and usefulness depend. Not so in the case of laws much less intimately connected with our wellbeing. The mathematician knows, and acts upon the belief, that a small error in calculation would be destructive to results; this is clear to him; but it is not always so clear that any dereliction from the law of wisdom and love is as destructive to the welfare of the soul. The astronomer has learnt that the heavenly bodies are regulated by certain and invariable laws, that any infringement of these would cause frightful disorder and damage; he admires the beauty and order in which they move, appreciates the necessity of such order; but often overlooks the same need with regard to the spiritual laws. An architect or builder and plumber knows and acts upon the belief that he must have a good foundation to build upon, or his house would not stand; be well situated with regard to light, heat and air, that it is a he knows, too, if he is a skilful builder, that his house must great advantage to have a sunny aspect, and a pure atmosphere, to be sheltered from the sharp destructive winds; he also appreciates the importance of good drainage, and so places his abode he is forming, in order to prevent sickness and disease; habitation that all impurities may easily be separated from the he further takes care that the surrounding land shall be well cultivated, watered, and enriched by manure: and never does he hope, nor even does it enter into his mind to expect success, unless these conditions are attended to. He never expects fruit where no trees are planted, nor does he look for it upon trees which are diseased at the roots. It is also quite clear to all that a plant cannot thrive when surrounded by weeds, or when covered by destructive insects, when too much in the shade or too much exposed to the sun; but it is not so clear to us that a holy affection requires the same care, in order to be healthy and strong; that the love of a fellow-creature may be weakened and even destroyed by the evils of envy and jealousy, near. PEACE AT HOME. BY REV. T. DE WITT TALMAGE. Exercise to the last possibility of your nature the law of forbearance. Prayer in the household will not make up for Some of the best people in the world are the most everything or that it may grow wild and unfruitful from indiscretion, or idolatry. The evils of self-exaltation and the love of power may destroy the germs of good intended to ripen into the finest fruit; the love of praise may so enwrap the soul as to sap its strength and destroy all vigor and originality. There is not a virtue which is not in danger of being enfeebled, perhaps altogether destroyed, by some pernicious tendency which grows cranky. There are people who stand up in prayer-meeting, and Our spiritual position, as a rule, is precarious and un- talk like angels, who, at home, are uncompromising and dissafe, our houses are built on the sand, in unhealthy atmos- agreeable. You cannot have everything just as you want it. pheres, with little light and heat from that Sun which alone Sometimes it will be the duty of the husband, and sometimes can inspire the blessed fruits of righteousness; and we do not of the wife to yield; but both stand punctiliously upon your sufficiently consider how strong, healthy and vigorous our lives rights, and you will have a Waterloo with no Blucher coming would be, how useful and beneficial to ourselves and others, if up at night-fall to decide the contest. Never be ashamed to we took the same pains in the cultivation of that part which is apologize when you have done wrong in domestic affairs. Let we do in that which is merely external and that be a law of your household. Find out what are the weak points, if I may call them so, of your companion, and then stand Do not carry the fire of your temper too near the gunpowder. If the wife be easily fretted by disorder in the household, let the husband be careful where he throws his slippers. If the husband comes home from the store with his patience all exhausted, do not let the wife unnecessarily cross his temper. But both stand up for your rights, and you shall have the everlasting sound of the war-whoop. Your life will be spent in "making up," and marriage will be to you an unmitigated curse. Cowper said: immortal as transitory. Individuals may say in answer to these remarks, "I am not responsible for the horrors of war, I can do nothing to stem the torrent of bloodshed, much as I deplore it." But let it be remembered that the world is composed of individuals, and that each has necessarily some influence. The mind of man has been called a "microcosm," and in it are all the seeds of those evils which result in war. In it are the germs of all the motives, the aspirations, the hopes, the fears and affections which actuate the world in general, and each one is responsible for any share which he may and must take in these. Does he find the Christian precepts too utopian to be acted upon in his own individual life? Are those precepts too hard for him to comply with as regards his own character, and his nearest relations with others? Then no wonder that there should be war and discord, both at home and abroad. But the law of God is most erroneously called hard, and difficult to fulfil. Life is difficult, it is true, but not because the requirements of God in themselves are hard, and severe, but because we are so much out of harmony with them. Evil inherited and self-induced obstructs our path to heaven, and dims our sight of God, at the very time that we are most incautious of the obstacles in our way. The mere sight of a fellow-creature ought to make the heart expand in love and sympathy; like a well-strung instrument i ought to respond to the contact of a human being, and it will so expand into a larger self, when sufficient progress is made in the true spirit of Christianity. Undoubtedly there are many degrees of faith in this spirit, but the higher that upon which we act, the greater will be our reward; illegitimate means may appear to be accompanied by success for a time. but to suppose that such success could be real or lasting would be to deny the power of God, and to believe in that of the enemy of souls. But the fact is that our love is so faint towards those beyond our narrow circle, that it scarcely deserves the name, and might often at least be more justly described as absence of hatred; in such cases, there can be but little power, and we ought to calculate results according to the strength put forth to produce them. The letters from the distinguished European publicists, which are given elsewhere in this issue, will be found interesting, not only on account of their intrinsic merit, but as indicating the progress which the idea of "the federation of the world" has made among the leading thinkers of the age. That a Congress, such as is proposed, would succeed in drafting an International Code that would be adopted and acted upon by the several powers is, probably, too much to expect at present; but that such an assemblage would have a powerful influence in settling and establishing such principles of international law, as would render an appeal to the wager of battle much less frequent, we have little doubt.Albany Law Journal. The aim of education should be to teach us rather how to think than what to think-rather to improve our minds, so as to enable us to think for ourselves, than to load the memory with the thoughts of other men. The world would be more happy if persons gave up more time to an intercourse of friendship. aloof from them. "The kindest and the happiest pair Make your chief pleasure circle around the home. If the husband spends the most of his nights out the house, not from necessity, he is not the head of the household; he is only the cashier. If the wife throws the cares of the household into the servant's lap and then spends five nights of the week at the opera or the theatre, she may clothe her children with satins and laces and ribbons that would confound a French milliner-they are orphans. Oh, it is a sad thing when a child has no one to say its prayers to, because the mother has gone off to the evening entertainment. In India, they bring children and throw them to the crocodiles, and it seems very cruel; but the jaws of New York and Brooklyn dissipation are swallowing down more little children to-day than all the monsters that ever crawled up on the banks of the Ganges. I have seen the sorrow of a godless mother on the death of a child she neglected. It was not so much grief that she felt from the fact that the child was dead, as the fact that she had neglected it. She said, If I had only watched over and cared for the child, I know God would not have taken it." Her tears came not. It was a dry, blistering tempest, a scorching simoon of the desert. When she wrung her hands, it seemed as if she would twist the fingers from their sockets. When she seized her hair, it seemed as if she had in wild terror, grasped a coiling serpent with her right hand. No tears! Comrades of the little one came in and wept over the coffin. Neighbors came in and the but no tears for her. God gives tears as the summer rain to the moment they saw the still face of the child, the shower broke; parched soul, but in all the universe the driest, the hottest, the most scorching and consuming thing is a mother's heart if she has neglected her child, when once it is dead. God may forgive her, but she will never forgive herself. The memory will sink the eyes deeper into the sockets and pinch the face, and whiten the hair, and eat up the breast with vultures that will not be satisfied, for ever plunging deeper their iron beaks. Oh, you wanderers from home, go back to your duty. The brightest flowers in all the earth are those that grow in the garden of a Christian household, clambering over the porch of a Christian home. Whoever wishes the welfare of others has already advanced towards securing his own. He who reigns within himself, and rules passions, desires and fears, is more than a king. He that sympathizes most with the infirmities of others, approaches most nearly the spirit of his Divine Master. Rev. and Dear Sir,-I shall enclose in this $5, to the Peace Society, through your hands. It is a mere pittance when compared with the present demands of that Society, but the widow's mite" you know was accepted, and as the silver, and the gold are the Lord's, He can open the hearts, and the hands of the rich, to contribute of their abundance to the cause of Peace, until there will not "be room to receive it." This may be the day for the realization of the faith of William Ladd and Dr. Beckwith, for which they labored and died. The latter of whom, (having been a regular correspondent for many years,) I have known his labors and trials, in the cause of Peace, and in one of his last letters to me previous to his death, he said, the hardest task he ever undertook to do was to leave his work, he was not quite ready, he had some plans unaccomplished, and he wished to "die in the harness."" Permit me, Sir, to express at this late hour the pleasure felt in your safe return from your European tour, and the apparent success of your object,-I wait impatiently the result, but at my advanced age, (of nearly 88 years,) I shall not probably be permitted to see it but all the promises of God are sure, and will be fulfilled at the best time, and may you, Sir, continue to share the honors and labors, as an instrument in their accomplishment. Yours respectfully, AMANDA N. BURT. MR. RICHARD'S MOTION ON ARBITRATION. LONDON, July 8.—In the House of Commons this evening Henry Richard, member for Merthyr Tydvil, and secretary of the London Peace Society, moved that in the opinion of the House, Her Majesty's government should communicate with foreign powers for the purpose of improving international law, and with a view of establishing arbitration as a permanent resort for the settlement of differences between nations. Mr. Richard, in support of the motion, stated that he had received a large number of letters from America expressing sympathy with his proposition. He proceeded to show that the danger of war kept four millions of men armed annually in Europe, rendering necessary a taxation of $2,000,000,000 and the payment of the yearly interest on the war debts of $750,600,000. In addition to this the value of labor withdrawn from industry was estimated to be $1,250,000,000. In Germany the conscription forced an emigration which was depopulating the country and Russia, France and Italy were financially crippled by the expense of their enormous military establishments. Mr. Gladstone opposed the motion. He argued that it would defeat its own object, because continental nations held widely different views on the subject. He asked the gentleman to withdraw the motion. Mr. Richard declined to withdraw and the house divided. THE INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION QUES- WHITTIER. Oh, gentle Poet of the heart, And finds a swift responsive tone, Too late-too late! when Death shall wreathe Too late! when the immortal lyre But now, with reverend hand, I lay A chaplet thou mayest deign to wear. A nation loves thee; for her weal, The wall of cloud is swept aside, Backward we glance to days of gloom : In darker days, when Freedom lay Thy voice, prophetic, even then No more no more, the breath of pain Sweet peace be thine, beloved Bard, Be still "Divine Compassion" thine. ERVIE. LONDON, July 17.-In the House of Commons this evening Right Hon. Lord Otho Fitzgerald, member for Kildare County, "If one speaks ill of thee," said Epictetus, "consider produced and had read the Queen's reply to the address of the whether he has truth on his side, and if so, reform thyself, that Commons on the subject of international arbitration, as follows: his censures may not affect thee." When Anaximander was I have received the address of my faithful Commons, pray told that the very boys laughed at his singing," Ah," said he, ing that I would be graciously pleased to instruct my principal then I must learn to sing better." Plato being told that he Secretary to enter into communication with foreign powers had many enemies who spoke ill of him, said, "I shall live so with a view to further improve international law, and estab-that none will believe them." Hearing at another time that an lish a general and permanent system of arbitration. I am intimate friend of his had spoken detractingly of him, he said, sensible of the force of the philanthropic motives dictating that I am sure he would not do it if he had not some reason for it." address. I have at all times desired to extend the practice of This is the surest as well as the noblest way of drawing the closing international controversies by their submission to im- sting out of a reproach, and the true method of preparing a man partial friends, and to encourage the establishment of rules in- for that great and only relief against the pains of calumny. tended for the equal benefit of all. I shall continue to pursue a similar course, with due regard to time and opportunity, whenever it is likely to be attended with advantage. The House received the document with hearty cheers. All is hollow where the heart bears not a part, and all is peril where principle is not the guide. |