Colonies reducing their customs tariff upon the imports from Great Britain as compared with foreign countries, and by this country placing some amount of duty upon those articles of commerce which are imported from foreign countries, and admitting similar Colonial exports free of duty into this country.

In order to provide the necessary means for carrying this into effect, a Fiscal Parliament would have to be formed, consisting of representatives of the Imperial and Colonial Parliaments, who would be entrusted with legislative and necessary administrative powers to fix upon the amount of the tariff, and to amend it from time to time as occasion would appear to demand. Any difficulties which might arise in the first instance would be ultimately overcome by the wisdom and sympathy of such Fiscal Parliament, which could not fail to recognise the immense advantages which must accrue to the Empire as a whole from the carrying out of a commercial federation based on such a scheme.

In order to provide for that part of the scheme which relates to strengthening the defence of the Empire, the following plan is proposed, viz. that a special duty of 24 per cent. be imposed upon foreign produce imported into the whole Empire. It is estimated that this would amount to nearly 9,000,000l., which would constitute a common fund which would be appropriated by the Fiscal Parliament as a contribution to the central Government, which at present bears almost all the entire cost, for the naval defence of the Empire. This would relieve the Colonies from the payment of subsidies, and would be supplied jointly by the Colonies and Great Britain. Besides being relieved from the payment of subsidies the Colonies would enjoy preferential treatment in the markets of the United Kingdom. Compared with the enormous advantages which this plan would bestow upon the general interests of Great Britain, the imposition of so trifling a duty would far outweigh any possible objections to its adoption. It could not fail to be a great attraction to the Colonies, and would establish a connecting link which might eventually develop into a powerful and closer bond of union between them and the Mother Country.

If such an arrangement was carried out, it would involve a change in the clause in the treaties with foreign countries which is technically known as the most favoured nation clause.'

It would be necessary, as far as the Colonies are concerned, to provide that when treaties are entered into by Great Britain with foreign countries, that clause should not be applied to the same extent and in the same way as if the Colonies were foreign powers instead of being integral parts of the Empire itself. The policy of every foreign nation having Colonies is to favour its Colonial in preference to its foreign trade. The sole and remarkable exception to this rule has hitherto been the case of Great Britain herself.

In propounding this plan I do not aim at Protection. The idea is rather to promote a cohesive force, which shall at the same time. provide a revenue which might be with the least possible difficulty rendered available for a purpose so truly national in its conception as to provide finances necessary for the defence of the whole Empire. It is doubtless in the range of possibility that if some day there should be established one uniform Imperial tariff instead of various local tariffs, it might lead to a system of Free Trade within the various parts of the Empire. Be that, however, as it may, the adoption of this plan for defensive purposes would be no obstacle to the ultimate carrying out of any such policy as is here indicated.

The part of my scheme which relates to defence is based upon one which was suggested at the Colonial Conference held in London in 1887 by Mr. Hofmeyer, one of the delegates from the Cape of Good Hope. It is so simple and comprehensive, and at the same time so practical in its character, that I do not hesitate to embody it in my scheme.

The supreme importance of the British Empire possessing a navy far more powerful than any other nation in the world, in order to maintain her supremacy at sea, cannot be over-estimated. The sea routes must be adequately protected, and the over-sea commerce thoroughly safeguarded and defended, in the interests of both the Mother Country and the Colonies. At present the cost of keeping open the trade routes falls exclusively upon the Mother Country.

The scheme proposed for defence comprehends an equitable and adequate share of contribution to this object in fair and just proportion, without unnecessary friction or insuperable difficulty between the inhabitants of Great Britain at home and her countrymen beyond the seas. Trade follows the flag, and if this plan for extending and protecting it was adopted, the commerce of the Empire would experience a powerful development, and would be enormously increased, creating fresh sources of national wealth and prosperity. I would remark in conclusion that it is not beyond the bounds of reasonable probability that the creation of the Fiscal Parliament here proposed to deal with the question of commercial federation might in the course of time lead to the ultimate attainment of the greater political expansion of the British Constitution which is known by the expressive title of Imperial Federation.

SUMMARY

1. The importance of commerce in its application to British trade.

2. The advantage of promoting the fullest possible intercourse between the various parts of the Empire, compared with the policy of

cultivating foreign trade to the detriment of the expansion of the trade of the Colonies between themselves and the Mother Country.

3. The effect of the loss to Great Britain of the American Colonies in diminishing the extent of the Colonial Empire, and the consequent contraction of Colonial trade.

4. The expansion of the Empire during the present century, and the consequent opportunities afforded for the development of trade.

within its boundaries.

5. The British Colonies, combining as they do every variety of soil, climate, and powers of production, afford the scope for supplying everything which is imported from various foreign countries into the United Kingdom.

6. Preferential treatment for the trade of the Colonies over that of foreign countries would result in the vast expansion of the trade of the former.

7. That existing treaties with foreign countries should as soon as possible be either abrogated altogether or changed so as to modify the application of what is technically termed the most favoured nation clause,' as well as any other clauses which injuriously affect the Colonial trade.

8. The fundamental principle of all trade being the system of barter and exchange, the scheme suggests an arrangement being entered into which should not only apply to trade between the Mother Country and the Colonies, but also to the Colonies themselves trading with each other.

9. The scheme maintains the integrity and strengthens the defence of the Empire.

10. It would be essential that any scheme before being matured must be submitted to and receive the approval of the Mother Country and the Colonies themselves. For this purpose it would be necessary to summon a convention of representatives from the Colonies to approve its adoption. This when ascertained would become the basis of joint legislative action for giving it effect.

11. The trading relations of the United Kingdom with the Colonies are so vast that they cannot be exaggerated.

12. Solution suggested by the scheme for carrying out commercial federation on a satisfactory basis.

13. Formation of a Fiscal Parliament consisting of representatives of the Imperial and Colonial Parliaments, to be entrusted with the necessary legislative and administrative powers.

14. Plan proposed for the defence of the Empire.

15. The policy of every foreign nation, with the exception of Great Britain, is to favour their own Colonial in preference to their foreign trade.

16. Protection not aimed at, but only a system for providing the finances necessary for the defence of the Empire. Suggestion made

that it is within the range of possibility that an Imperial tariff which would have the effect of developing free trade within the Empire might some day be established.

17. Supreme importance of the British Empire possessing a navy far more powerful than any other nation, for the purpose of preserving supremacy on the sea, insisted on.

18. As trade follows the flag, the commerce of the Empire would under this scheme show a powerful development and add greatly to its wealth and prosperity.

19. Commercial federation may be the prelude eventually to Imperial Federation.

VOL. XI-No. 233

FREDERICK YOUNG.

D

REFORMATION AND REUNION

IN the April number of this Review, my friend Mr. Birrell magnified the English Reformation. In the May number, Lord Halifax, certainly not less a friend, pleaded for Reunion with Rome. The two essays afforded an interesting contrast of thought and temper. Each showed intelligence, information, sincerity, and above all a sense of the supreme importance of religion even in the life of this world. But the point of view, the mental environment, the antecedent bias, of the two writers were strikingly dissimilar, and my purpose in this paper is to inquire whether either attains, not to the whole truth of the matter, for that is not given to man, but to so much of the truth as can create a better understanding between members of the Church of England and their fellow-Christians in other communions.

I begin with Mr. Birrell's essay headed 'What, then, did happen at the Reformation?' and here, turning for a moment from substance to method, I hope that Mr. Birrell, who has a scholarlike knowledge of his Dickens, will not be angry if I say that his mode of interrogative argument reminds me of Rosa Dartle. He is so surprisingly ingenuous. He is so conscious of his ignorance. He asserts nothing. He asks much. He insinuates more. 'What,

then,' he asks, 'did really happen at the Reformation?' He would not for the world say what; though he has a little notion of his own, and does not mind our seeing what it is. Of Miss Dartle we read that she never said anything she wanted to say, outright, but hinted it, and made a great deal more of it by this practice.' Thus :

'Oh, really? You know how ignorant I am, and that I only ask for information, but isn't it always so? . . I want to be put right if I am wrong-isn't it really?'

'Really what?' said Mrs. Steerforth.

'Oh! you mean it's not!' returned Miss Dartle. very glad to hear it! Now, I know what to do! advantage of asking.'

Well, I'm That's the

Similarly Mr. Birrell, when asking what really did happen at the Reformation, has a notion that a good deal happened; that, in particular, the Mass ceased to be said in the Church of England;