ing to the orthography of the language. And if this were allowed, or had ever been so understood by modern or ancient Jews, there then indeed would be no certainty in the language; and the commands which God gave, might be made to have a double meaning, as he contends. But if the language be understood as it is with vowels in all properly printed Hebrew Bibles, it becomes the most certain language in the world. I need not enlarge on the notion of the sacred language having been given without vowels, to be perfected, or made certain in its application, by the wisdom of man; so that shaabar, which means "broken," 1 Kings xiii. 28. could not be known from sheber, "corn," Gen. xlii. 1a 17 dobeer," speak," Deut. v. 1. from 77 deber, "a pestilence," Hab. iii. 5. And so it is in all the words throughout the Scripture, the consonants being the same in each, there would be no possibility of knowing whether the word meant broken, or corn -speak, or pestilence. This is the depth of this gentleman's knowledge in Hebrew: now for the proof. דבר The word gnaarom, has but one root, according to Taylor, Parkhurst, Levi, and others; and I find that the inserted, making a fourth letter, does not form another root: this is the reason why I have said that those, who place the word under a different radix, But this intemperate writer in his customary way of abuse says, "He (Bellamy) boldly affirms they are wrong, as if he thought that his own would bear down every other authority." are wrong. * Having inserted the articles of Mr. Hailes, Mr. Leo, and several other communications, in opposition to Mr. Bellamy, we think it our duty to insert his defence of his work. However we may agree with the Quarterly Review in some of its statements, we must declare our belief, that Mr. B. is firmly persuaded of the great truths of Revelation, zealously attached to the orthodox principles of the Church of England, and that he is sincerely convinced that he is essentially supporting the cause of both in his new translation. That work is open to all the severity of criticism, of which he has received an ample share, particularly in the article to which he has now replied. Of his work we can only say, Valeat quantum valere potest. If one in a hundred passages of his version should be hereafter received, he will have conferred a signal service on Biblical criticism; if not, his work will soon be consigned, in vicum vendentem thus, et odores, et piper, et quicquid chartis amicitur ineptis. We shall only add, that we shall readily admit any fair and temperate discussion on either side.-EDIT. 232 MISCELLANEA CLASSICA. No. V. [Continued from No. XXXIV. p. 361.] 66 XXIII. In a note on Cowley's Davideis, there occurs a reading of a line in Claudian, which is remarkable, as being in a style of versification the very reverse of Claudian's : crastina venturæ exspectantes gaudia prædæ." Claud. Pros. 1. 1. ult. The common reading is "spectantes." XXIV. Heyne, on Virg. Æn. 1. 738, "Tum Bitiæ dedit increpitans," observes, "Bitias Punicum nomen, quod et alibi occurrit." An oversight: Bitras figures as a Trojan in the conflict at the gates of New Troy in the ninth book. See IX. 672 et seqq. 703 et seqq. xi. 396. Bitias and Bibúas occur, indeed, in other authors as Punic names. See Sil. Ital. 11. 409. and Ruperti's note. Silius understood Virgil in the same manner as Heyne. XXV. In the Quarterly Review, No. XV. p. 404, art. Electa Tentamina Schol. Edin. "Afferat, O Britones is objected to on the score of quantity. Is the quantity of this word determined? Juvenal has 66 nec Brittones unquam," (Sat. xv.) but some read "Teutones." Addison writes, "Britonumque heroa pererrat." XXVI. Ib. p. 395. "The Italian composers in Latin verse abound, however, with these barbarisms, not scrupling to elide one diphthong before another." When the modern canon on this subject was first mentioned to the author, a line of Virgil, (Georg. Iv. 342.) occurred to him: "Ambæ auro, pictis incinctæ pellibus amba." XXVII. Porson, on Eurip. Phoen. 16, яaldwv és oïxous ȧpoévwv novavíav, observes: "xovavlav, consuetudinem, quxíav, ait Musgravius, male. Sensus est, ut ipse et ego communes liberos haberemus; ut ipse ex me liberos procrearet." To the passages from the Greek poets, which he subjoins, may be added, Virg. Æn. 11. 789. Jamque vale, et nati serva communis amorem.' 66 XXVIII. The god Oceanus, in the Prometheus of Eschylus, thus begins on entering: Ηκω δολιχῆς τέρμα κελεύθου διαμειψάμενος πρός σε, Προμηθεν, τὸν πτερυγωκῆ τόνδ' οἰωνὸν gráμn σTopiwr aτeg subúvwv. Prom. 292, ed. Blomf. Blomf. in Gloss. "Tróun. Voluntate solu. exhuari tu. Schol. B. Southey has employed the same fiction (I know not whence derived) in his Vision of the Maid of Orleans, Part 111. Theodore Drove with an angel's will th' obedient bark. So also in the Curse of Kehama, v11. St. 2. An angel's head, with visual eye, Thro' trackless space, directs its chosen way; Requires to voyage o'er the obedient sky. XXIX. Southey, in his preface to Amadis of Gaul, p. xvii. says: "It is dangerous to attempt subjects which have been ennobled by a great master. Even the Greek Tragedians were not equal to the task of dramatising the characters of Homer: they could not bend the bow of Mæonides. They teach us to despise Ajax, and dislike Ulysses; for they attribute nothing but cunning to the one, and brutal courage to the other." This passage betrays an inaccuracy not unfrequent with our author, who, with considerable abilities and very extensive reading, combines a precipitancy and warmth of temper which sometimes leads him into error. Without disputing the justice of the last observation as far as relates to the character of Ulysses, surely the impression which the Ajax of Sophocles leaves on the mind with regard to its hero, is very different from Southey's representation. XXX. Brunck, in a note on Soph. Aut. 909, seqq. nóσis μèr ἄν μοι, κατθανόντος, ἄλλος ἦν, κ. τ. λ. refers to Herodotus ii. 119) for a passage containing a similar argument. Add Eurip. Iph. Aul. 485, seqq. τί βούλομαι γάρ ; οὐ γάμους ἐξαιρέτους XXXI. In the ninth book of Quintus Calaber, 1. 353, we read Οἱ δ' ὅτε δὴ Δῆμνον κίον, ἠδὲ καὶ ἄντρον κοῖλον λαΐνεον For κίον Rhodoman conjectures ἵκανον or ίκοντο ; Tychsen reads Suvov. (For this information, as well as for the citation, and another. which will hereafter occur from the same author, I confess myself indebted to the British Review.) May not the original reading have been, Οἵ δ' ὅτε δὴ Δῆμνόν τε καὶ ἄντρον κοῖλον ἵκοντο ? There is a want of harmony, as well in the emendations as in the original reading, which ill befits, at least, an imitator of Homer. XXXII. It has been stated that the proverb, "Incidit in Scyllam qui vult vitare Charybdim," which had often been quoted, although its origin was unknown, was discovered in an obscure poem of the middle ages, called the Alexandreis, where the fol lowing words occur, in an apostrophe to Darius king of Persia, when flying from Alexander after the battle of Arbela: -hostes incurris dum fugis hostem : Incidis in Scyllam, cupiens vitare Charybdim. A writer in the Monthly Magazine for June last, p. 400, has quoted the exact words from the Tristia or Ex Ponto of Ovid. XXXIII. In an oracle quoted by Herodotus, v. 92. occurs the line, Κύψελος Πετίδης, βασιλεὺς κλεινοῖο Κορίνθου where Wesseling observes, “ Minime refert, eligaturne κλεινοῖο Κορίνθου, aut κλειτοῖο.” The latter, however, is more Homeric. XXXIV. On the line in the Medea of Euripides, (476) šowoá σ', ὡς ἴσασιν Ελλήνων ὅσοι-Porson observes : "Hic locus ab antiquis ob sigmatismum notatus est, quanquam sigma sæpius repetitur in Iph. Τ. 772. τὸ σῶμα σώσας, τοὺς λόγους σώσεις ἐμοί. Nec parcius in Sophocl. Ed. Τ. 1481. ὡς τὰς ἀδελφὰς τάσδε τὰς ἐμὰς Xégas, et ejusdem fabulæ 425. quem laudat Marklandus ad Iph. T. 1068." The other line referred to in the Edipus Tyrannus runs thus : όσ ̓ ἐξισώσει σοί τε καὶ τοῖς σοῖς τέκνοις. t may be observed, however, that in none of these are the sigmas so close together, or their effect so unimpeded by the intervention of other consonants, as in the first part of the line in the Medea. XXXV. We read in Horace— Nec, si resurgat centimanus Gyges. Lib. 11. Od. xvIII. 14. Sententiarum Constanti juvenem fide Lib. III. Od. Iv. 69. Lib. III. Od. vII. 5. How is this difference of quantity to be accounted for? XXXVI. It was an observation of Varro, that Virgil's descriptions of the morning, in the Æneid, generally contain something of an allusion to the events which are to happen in the course of the ensuing day; that they are, as it were, tinged with its characteristic coloring. He instances the passage in which the morning on which Dido dies for love is described: En. IV. 584. Et jam prima novo spargebat lumine terras Tithoni croceum linquens Aurora cubile. (I owe this information to the English life of Virgil prefixed to Dryden's translation.) There is an instance in the eleventh book which perhaps more fully agrees with Varro's idea. The day appointed for the burial of the slain in the two hostile armies opens thus: Aurora interea miseris mortalibus almam Extulerat lucem, referens opera atque labores, XI. 182. The effect, at least, is such as agrees with the hypothesis. Perhaps also the unusually expanded description in the twelfth book is intended by its solemnity to accord with the ensuing descriptions of "pride, pomp, and circumstance," and the imposing ceremony of the compact. Postera vix summos spargebat lumine montes Orta dies; quum primum alto se gurgite tollunt Campum ad certamen, &c,-XII. 113. Where, by the way, may be discovered the origin of Claudian's well-known "Sol, qui flammiferis," &c. XXXVII. Blomfield, in his Glossary on the Septem contra Thebas of Æschylus, 343, 344, (ἁρπαγαὶ δὲ, Διαδρομἂν ὁμαίμονες) quotes, among other passages, Alcæus ap. Stob. xcv. p. 387. Ursin. p. 184. Αργαλέον πενία, κακὸν ἄσχετον, Α μέγαν δάμνησι Aadv apaxavía oùv ådeλøã. I forget, whether, in any of his observations on similar passages in Eschylus, he has referred to the reply of the Andrians to Themistocles, when, in order to persuade them to submit to a contribution, he told them that the Athenians brought with them two powerful deities, Persuasion and Necessity; to which, according to Herodotus, they replied, "ws xaтà λÓуov ἔσαν ἄρα αἱ ̓Αθῆναι μεγάλαι τε καὶ εὐδαίμονες, καὶ θεῶν χρηστῶν ἥκοιεν εὖ ἔπει ̓Ανδρίους γε εἶναι γεωπείνας ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκοντας, καὶ θεοὺς δύο ἀχρήστους οὐκ ἐκλείπειν σφέων τὴν νῆσον, ἀλλ ̓ αἰεὶ φιλοχωρέειν, Πενίην τε καὶ ̓Αμηχανίην· καὶ τουτέων τῶν θεῶν ἐπηβόλους ἐόντας ̓Ανδρίους, Où Cáσ Xpуματα. Herod. vIII. 111. There is a curious parallel οὐ δώσειν to this reply recorded in modern history. "The old rebels in Henry the Eighth's time felt themselves beyond all doubt fully justified in their insurrections when they told the Duke of Norfolk that Poverty was their captain, the which, with his cousin Necessity, had brought them to that doing."" Quarterly Review. XXXVIII. Is it possible that the epithet TuxvÓTTEρos in the passage of Sophocles, Ed. Col. 17, 18. πυκνόπτεροι δ ̓ Εσω κατ' αὐτὸν evotoμovo' åndóves, may refer to something in the subject of it, so as to answer to Homer's πυκινὰ πτερὰ δεύεται ἅλμη (Od. v. 53) XXXIX. Livy (xxx. 30.) thus describes the first meeting of Annibal and Scipio, at the conference which preceded the battle of Zama. Paulisper alter alterius conspectu, admiratione mutua prope attoniti, conticuere. Tum Annibal prior," &c. The writer extracted from a periodical work the following account: “Lord Wellington arrived at Paris on the 5th of May (1814). He met Blucher for the first time at a great ball, who was there presented to him. They are said to have bowed, and looked for some time at each other, without speaking, aud afterwards conversed for ten |